台灣的傳播學者任由各大媒體，把女性的裸露當成商品販賣，台灣女性被汙辱而不自知、習以為常。各縣市的中正路，每天24小時不斷凌辱白色恐怖的受難家屬；如果各縣市都有「陳進興路」，其中一條在白冰冰家門口，那白冰冰小姐是不是該包容? 

                                                                                                                               李鈞震 10.28.2007

「傳播」就是對不公正的議題，給予令人深省的挑戰。

但是，什麼是公平? 傳播學者能公平的看待社會嗎? 對於保護基本人權的「憲法」無法反映民意，無法保護人民，傳播學者不吭一句話，就是道德的淪喪，甚至成為極權統治者的共犯。這就是台灣傳播學界的現象。

「批判理論」來自法蘭克福學派的德國學者。這個理論源起於馬克思，這個批判社會的馬克斯傳統至今仍持續著。法蘭克福學派的領導人：霍克海默, 迪奧多‧阿多諾, 以及哈柏馬斯他們都深信「過往的歷史是刻意塑造而來的，被一種不公平的擺佈力量所傷害」他們點出現代西方民主社會也有一樣的不公平現象，「擁有一切」的階級，持續剝削「什麼都沒有」的階級。

「意見領袖」宣稱的民主價值包含「自由與平等」，但是現實情況卻是權力不公平地集中在某些人手上，甚至讓特權者得以濫用權力，造成大家對民主價值很困惑，對於所宣揚的價值與現實狀況有落差的矛盾。法蘭克福學派研究者提供仔細的分析。

台灣的大學新聞系的老教授們，都是蔣介石時代的情報人員訓練出來的人，他們是特權、特務出身的人，至今仍無人敢承認或批判自己在二蔣時代的行為，當然就更沒有勇氣批判台灣的媒體亂象，因為那些媒體人都是教授們的徒子徒孫，甚至帶頭操控媒體；教授們自己又非常後悔，沒有把握台灣民主化的時機，好戴上「民主鬥士」的光環。但是，卻頂著學者的光環，騙取政府的研究經費，成為台灣民主時代媒體的真正掌權者。

現實情況是，媒體權力不公平地集中在這些人手上，甚至讓特權者得以繼續濫用權力，操控媒體輿論，造成台灣人民對民主的價值感到很困惑，這些特務訓練出來的學者與媒體守門人，操控台灣80%的大眾媒體力量，他們阻止民主改革、阻止台灣人民「公民投票」、阻止政府清算蔣介石政黨超過一百億美金的不正義資金、甚至阻止台灣人民制定自己的新憲法、阻止台灣加入聯合國。

批判者，不會對他們負面的調性或悲觀的結論退縮。如同馬克斯曾說：批判理論要有所堅持，如同一個天才珍惜哲學思考。當希特勒統治德國的時候，對理論的堅持，迫使法蘭克福學派流亡，先是到了瑞士，最後落腳美國。什麼樣的傳播研究與實踐是這群批判理論學者所反對的呢？他們反對現今社會的三種現象：

1.「語言的控制」造成權力永遠的失衡

對於任何會阻礙人們從奴隸狀態中解放的用字，批判理論家會給予最嚴厲的譴責。例如，女性主義者指出，女性經常成為被污辱的對象，因為男人是主導語言的守門人。這種歧視的想法，透過各種譬喻扭曲公眾談話。這個觀念對於被嘲弄的一方並不新奇，他們也知道自己被嘲弄。馬克斯主張「主要街道的名稱用字與概念，經常都是在表揚建立者的卓越功績，這個建立者指的是有政治權力的人」。

台灣的傳播學者任由各大媒體，把女性的裸露當成商品販賣，台灣女性被汙辱而不自知、習以為常。各縣市的中正路，每天24小時不斷凌辱白色恐怖的受難家屬；如果各縣市都有「陳進興路」，其中一條在白冰冰家門口，那白冰冰小姐是不是該包容? 社會大眾應該要求她忘記過去、不要計較?  她如果要求「正名」，是不是就是沒出息? 陳進興殺多少人? 蔣介石殺多少人? 公平在哪裡，我的新聞學教授？

台灣民主化二十年，至今仍到處充滿蔣介石、蔣經國獨裁者的圖騰，以他們的名字命名的道路、建築物、銅像仍充斥台灣各地；如果有人公開反對，媒體立刻全力修理這些勇敢的人民。

2.大眾媒體在扮演一種角色，去模糊被壓迫者的感覺。

馬克思指出，大眾媒體具有鴉片的特質，他們會以宗教式的手段，擾亂藍領階級觀眾遠離他們的「真實」興趣。批判理論家發現電視、電影、唱片、平面媒體正在扮演這種「文化工廠」的角色。迪奧多‧阿多諾曾希望人們可以從他們被不平等地壓迫中覺醒，進而起身抵抗。然而，他指出「隨著大眾變得愈來愈受制於大眾傳播的力量，人類心靈被綑綁的嚴重程度，也增加到幾乎不可能自己覺醒這個問題的狀態」

馬克思的態度更加悲觀，他認為，「那些被大眾媒體搞得暈頭轉向的公民，沒有辦法促成任何社會改革。社會改革的力量來自於『被需要改革的領域中被驅逐出去的人，與這個領域以外的人，以及被其它領域族群或和種族剝削和迫害的人，被解雇的人以及條件不合不被錄用的人』。」

在台灣，因為大學教授多半是二蔣獨裁時代的既得利益者，他們不是被需要改革的領域中被驅逐出去的人，與這個領域以外的人……。所以，他們不但不懂批判，還是死命維護既得利益的特權階級，為延長自己的利益而反民主、反法治的一群人。

在蔣介石獨裁統治時代，實行思想的箝制教育，所有的國家資源都只是為蔣氏政權的少數權貴服務，其他的人都是奴隸，只能選擇順服當奴隸，反抗者坐牢、槍斃或流亡海外，最後台灣只剩下「思想奴隸」能存活，以英文教育為例，學校喜歡考「介係詞」，他們重視介係詞，所以發音也以介係詞為重音，為什麼？因為多說介係詞可以模糊文句的焦點，讓文句變得言不及義。所以留學美國，擅長莎士比亞文學和英文現代詩的年輕人，在台灣的大學入學考試英文無法及格。

如今，只要有人公開批評獨裁者的陰影存在，台灣的媒體馬上冠以「藍綠惡鬥」，來模糊化過去的一切犯罪證據。如今只要民主政府想提的一切改革政策，新聞媒體會配合獨裁政黨，無理性的惡意批評。

3.盲目地信賴科學程序與毫不思考地接受經驗談

霍克海默認為「(不思考問題核心)光用一大堆科學語言去想或表達，真是很天真又偏頗」。天真，因為科學並不像他自己所宣稱的那樣萬能；偏見，因為統計研究者，假設從大眾意見中抽取的樣本，絕對是真實世界的剖面圖。

迪奧多‧阿多諾主張「民意動向剖析，代表的不是真實狀態的近似值，倒是一個社會幻覺的剖面圖」批判主義對於政府、商業與教育掌權者批判得尤其厲害，因為這些人利用社會科學，弄一堆經驗法則的陷阱，以合理化不公平的社會階級問題，(他們自比為上帝)去祝福或損壞(某些政策或意見)，顯然都是為了他們自己的利益。

這就是在台灣，一群特務背景的學者整天搞的民調數據，攻擊民主的真實面目；一堆沒經濟學常識的電視名嘴，整天比經濟成長率，來打擊民主政治，「經濟學」的核心價值是經濟成長率嗎？ 知識經濟的時代，貧富的差距，是自己要負責的，知道嗎？ 我的老師。

操控媒體，就操控社會大眾的腦袋，獨裁政黨的媒體共犯，不斷給予台灣民眾洗腦，灌輸不實經濟數據與理論，為要幫助他們在大選中獲勝，再度實行獨裁統治，這就是台灣民主化的最大困境。

台灣從獨裁政治轉變為民主政治，短短二十年中，社會結構迅速改變，加上媒體被獨裁政黨控制，進行反民主教育，以致許多被奴化的百姓仍然習慣於當奴隸，不能適應民主社會。當奴隸的時候，人對自己的生活不必付太大的責任；民主化的時代，人必須對他所作所為負起責任，對奴隸來講，這個責任太沉重，以致於無法承受，奴隸在民主化社會產生虛無感、無力感，為自己負責的壓力使他們情緒失控，轉為家庭暴力，甚至自殺。

所以，大眾媒體要成為改革過程中的「社會教育者」，對社會大眾進行民主教育，發揮心理調適與輔導的功能，媒體應該盡全力透過各種傳播手法，讓百姓適應民主自由的社會，產生獨立自主的意識。所以現在最重要的是台灣社會，必須更換媒體學者與守門人。

http://blog.sina.com.tw/earthk/category.php?pbgid=58722&categoryid=217615 

The Frankfurt School in Taiwan

“In the 1970s, Taiwan was recognized by 65 nations. Today, only 24 mostly impoverished countries consider Taiwan independent.” (Seeing 《Time》 magazine on Sept, 15, 2007) In the 1970s, Taiwanese were the slavers of dictator Chiang Kai-shek.

  James Lee Oct, 28, 2007 

The critical tradition regards communication as a reflective challenge of unjust discourse.

But what is just discourse? Can the scholars of communication treat the society with justice? The constitution related to human rights is not voted by Taiwanese and it can’t protect citizens as well. Taiwanese scholars of communication who were educated by the dictator, say no word about it. This is a decay of ethics, morality. Furthermore they commit the crime to be the cooperators of the totalitarian Chiang Kai-shek’s party,they owns huge assets by armed robbery 60 years ago. This is the state quo of communication and journalism in Taiwan.  

The Frankfurt School rejects the economic determinism, so do Taiwanese. The leading figures of the Frankfurt school─Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse believe “all previous history has been characterized by an unjust distribution of suffering” They spotted the same pattern of inequality in Taiwan democracies where the “haves”, known as Chiang Kai-shek’s party and its scholars and the mass media, continued to exploit the “have nots”.

There are discrepancies between the liberal values of freedom and equality that Chiang Kai-shek’s party leaders proclaimed and the unjust concentrations and abuses of power that made those values a myth. They got a great asset by killing Taiwanese and divide the ill–gotten profits into parts to Chiang Kai-shek’s party and its politicians, judges, businessmen, scholars, gatekeepers of mass media. They refuse to return the bloody assets, reject to deliver the killers who had committed the crime and feel no shame to run in the presidential election.

The old professors of communication and journalism were trained by Chiang Kai-shek’s secret agent, the chief offender Tseng Hsü-pai is also the founder of the National Chengchi University. None of them has guts to confess or criticize their suppression over the freedom of speech. Of course, none of them has courage to criticize the chaos in Taiwanese mass media with specific words. The chief staff of mass medium is the students of the old professors, they can’t criticize their teachers, and instead they plot to control the media. The professors regret of losing the chance to be the pioneer of democratization. If they had done something, they would have the ring of light. They really have the ring of light as a professor, that permits them to swindle a huge research fund out of the government budget. They are the true Power in the democratic period in Taiwan.

They love to destruct the constitutional system, for example “the red shirts” events. They somehow regret the missing of the chance to be the indicators of democratization, the ring of light. To compensate for it, they wear the scholars’ ring of light to challenge all the unjust discourse based on the ideology from dictator Chiang Kai-shek’s education. These papers bring them money and power.

In fact, the subtle sway of society’s have’s over its have-not’s result in media hegemony and that fulfills Chiang Kai-shek’s disciples’ interests and leads Taiwanese in confusion about the value of democracy. Chiang Kai-shek’s disciples control 80% mass media in Taiwan. They block up the way to democratic renewal, restrict the people's right to referendum on constitutional revision, stop clearing the account of Chiang Kai-shek’s unjust assets over a hundred million USD, prevent Taiwanese from having a new constitution, oppose the application for admission to the United Nations under the name of Taiwan.

The critiques offered no apology for their negative tone or pessimistic conclusions. As Marcuse noted ,“Critical theory preserves obstinacy as a genuine quality of philosophical thought.”When Hilter came to power in Germany, that obstinacy forced the Frankfurt School into exile─first to Switzerland, then to the United States. Peng Ming-min proposed the Taiwanese wanted to be governed by neither the Nationalists nor the Communists, but themselves, and that in self-interest and self-preservation Taiwanese must replace Chiang Kai-shek's regime by a government freely elected and responsive to the public welfare. The“ Declaration of Formosan Self-salvation" forced Peng Ming-min in exile e─first to Switzerland, then to the United States, back to Taiwan.

What types of communication research and practice are critical theorists against？

1.      The control of language to perpetuate imbalances

Critical theorists condemn any use of words that inhibits emancipation. For example, advocates of democracy tend to be a muted group because China and Chiang Kai-shek’s disciples are the gatekeepers of language, and somehow the White House is their prop. The resultant discourse is shot through with metaphors like “Taiwan is a trouble maker”. This concept of muted groups is not new. Marcuse claimed that “The avenues of entrance are closed to the meaning of words and ideas other than the established one─established by the publicity of the powers that be, and verified in their practices ”

In Taiwan, many roads are named after Chiang Kai-shek, one main line in front of the Taiwan university is Roosevelt road named after American president. No road is named Yuab Tseh Lee, a well-known Nobel Prize winner.

It is imperative for Taiwan to rectify its name. Erasing the late dictator Chiang Kai-shek’ status from the public view is meaningful considering the victims’ relatives, but the《Time》magazine never understand it. The coverage Taiwan’s  Statue War in May,24,2007 reveals that the American press regard the policy as a political drama. The reporter interviews Taiper’s Mayor Hau Lung-bin, the son of Chiang Kai-shek’s waiter, young citizens John, Tom or Mary whatever. Where is the victims’ relatives？ Where is Peng Ming-min, one of the establisher of our  country Taiwan？

The field of communication continues to be stubbornly sociologically innocent. Anyone dares to oppose the frame of hegemony, then American Institute in Taiwan director Stephen M. Young would say“ I will see …… .” in the mass media in Taiwan.

2.      The role of mass media in dulling sensitivity to repression.

Marx claimed that religion was the opiate of the masses, distracting working-class audiences from their “real” interest. Critical theorists see the culture industries of television, film, CDs, and print media as taking over that role.

The《Time》magazine accuses “Under Chen, cross-strait relations have been frozen.” in the coverage of “10 questions：Ma Ying-jeou” on Jun,10, 2006. In fact Taiwanese companies continue to invest heavily in China this 7 years, cultural interactions is prosperous even more. The performance of “Mini-three-links between Taiwan and China” proves the reporter lie.  

Adorno was hopeful that people might rise in protest once they realized their unjust repression. Yet he noted that “with populations becoming increasingly subject to the power of mass communications, the pre-formation of people’s minds has increased to a degree that scarcely allows room for an awareness of it on the part of the people themselves.”

Former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) is the one influenced by the mass media and Chiang Kai-shek’s party. He praised the late dictator Chiang Ching-kuo in public “The decision Mr Ching-kuo made to lift martial law was historic ... a brave, resolute, and forward-looking decision.” quoted from Taipei Times Jul,16, 2007. Chiang Ching-kuo is notorious in the White Terror, more than 140 thousands innocent people were prisoned at Chiang Ching-kuo’s Time and Lee Teng-hui was his vice president two years before he died.

Marcuse was even more pessimistic about social change coming from the average citizen who is numbed by the mass media. He claimed that hope for change in society comes from “the outcasts and outsiders, the exploited and persecuted of other races and other colors, the unemployed and unemployable.”

3.          Blind reliance on the scientific method and uncritical acceptance of empirical findings

Horkheimer claimed that “it is naïve and bigoted to think and speak only in the language of science.” Naïve because science is not the value-free pursuit of knowledge that it claims to be. Bigoted because survey researchers assume that a sample of public opinion is a true slice of reality.

《Time