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Russell rule could help citizens see through lies
2007/07/02 00:31:43瀏覽1024|回應0|推薦8

Russell rule could help citizens see through lies 

 

By C. V.Chen 陳長文

Taipei Times 台北時報 Wednesday, Apr 28, 2004, Page 8  

 

The British philosopher Bertrand Russell once said, "In studying a philosopher, the right attitude is neither reverence nor contempt, but first a kind of hypothetical sympathy, until it is possible to know what it feels like to believe in his theories, and only then a revival of the critical attitude."  

 

To put it in more concrete terms, we should approach viewpoints we disagree with by first identifying those parts we are able to agree with, or in which we believe. It is only then that we can resume our critical stance.  

 

That is to say, once we have abandoned our own previous opinions, we are able to undertake criticism based on the state of mind in which we could judge our own opinions with humility. If we learn to assess what what we believe in and seek a more sympathetic understanding of why others' opinions differ from ours, we are finally in a position to begin our criticism.  

 

When applied to the debate on who loves Taiwan, Russell's words should come as a rude awakening to some politicians and others. I also believe that if everybody followed Russell's suggestion they would be less likely to conclude that some people love Taiwan while others do not.  

 

Here's an example. Suppose an individual advocated the immediate and unconditional unification of Taiwan with China. Irrespective of how much you disagree with such a proposition, before proceeding to criticize it you should first imagine that you agree with the proposal, and only after that try to identify its positive aspects that deserve support.  

 

When you have established the reasons for supporting this opinion, the next step is to lay out the argument's weaknesses one by one with a humility that allows for self-criticism.  

 

At this point you can compare the pros and cons you have identified, and finally use this comparison to decide whether you agree or disagree with the proposition.  

 

In the same way, anyone who would disagree with an individual who supports an immediate announcement of independence, regardless of the potential cost in terms of war, should first dissect the arguments for and against this position before coming to a decision.  

 

Although difficult to achieve, this is nevertheless a desirable target for everyone to aim for. In this way we will discover that our society need not discuss whether advocates of specific positions care for Taiwan or not, and will examine instead whether their ideas have inherent value.  

 

The question of how much one cares for Taiwan is purely subjective. Regardless of whether individuals advocate unification or independence, if they say how much they care for Taiwan, no one else has the right to question what they think or what their motives are. The moment an onlooker jumps to the conclusion that a certain person does not care for Taiwan, they immediately draw a dividing line between themselves and the person they are judging. There is then no room for Russell's "hypothetical sympathy."  

 

This is not to say that we should not be critical of views that differ from our own, just that what we could argue and judge should be restricted to such views' adoptability and soundness as determined by definable objective standards (such as seeking the greatest benefit for humanity).  

 

I sincerely hope that every Taiwanese will be able to ap-proach people and events with sympathy and discover that irrespective of how much our opinions differ, the one thing com-mon to us is our uncontested love for Taiwan 

 

C.V. Chen is the president of the Red Cross Society of the Republic of China.  

 

TRANSLATED BY PAUL COOPER 

假設的同情 

                                                      ◎ 陳長文 

英國哲學家羅素(Russell)曾說:「在我們批判別人之前,先要有一種『假設的同情』。」說的更具體一點就是,對於不同意見,我們要先用同理心去理解,在那不同意見中有些什麼東西是可以同意或相信的。只有到了這個時候,才可以重新採取批判的態度,但這樣的批判必須立足於一種精神狀態,那就是彷佛我們剛剛才放棄了自己長久以來一直堅持的某項意見,現在我們所進行的批判,用的是那種回頭批判自己的意見的心態與自謙,因為之前的我們,已經做了一個「相信」與「認同」的功課,我們曾經試圖用同理心去瞭解過那些意見為什麼與我們不同並接納那些了不同後,才開始批判的。

關於「愛不愛台灣」的論述爭論,筆者覺得,羅素的話,對台灣這塊土地上的政治人物和普羅百姓來說,不啻是一句棒喝之言。如果說,大家都能擁有羅素所說的同理心的話,我相信,就不會輕易做出「誰愛台灣」、「誰不愛台灣」的定論。

讓我們用一個更明白的例子來說明。假設有一個人,認為台灣應該立刻無條件的與中國大陸統一,不論你如何反對這樣的意見,當你要對之提出批判時,都應該給自己一個功課,那就是,先假設自己也贊成這樣的意見,然後想想,這樣的意見到底有什麼好處值得支持。當想清楚這個意見該被支持的理由後,這時才反過來用批判自己的那種謙虛態度,把這個意見的壞處一一臚列出來,這時,你再進一步把這個意見的好處與壞處做一個對比,最後,把對比的結果轉化成心中對這個意見究該採支持或反對的一種決定。同樣的,對於不惜以戰爭為代價,也要立刻宣佈台灣獨立的意見,反對者也應該用同樣的溫和方式去進行分剖,再下決定。

要作到這一點,並不容易,卻是一個值得大家努力的目標,如果,我們做到了,那麼我們會發現,這個社會根本不應該存在去論斷特定意見主張者「愛不愛台灣」的論述,只有存在論斷該意見主張者,其意見本身「好不好」的論述。因為,所謂「愛不愛」是一種心中的主觀狀態,就算是急統或急獨的主張者,只有他自己有資格說他的心中「愛不愛」台灣,除他以外的旁人,實際上都沒有權利去論斷他的心理狀態與動機並且也無從論斷,一旦旁人妄斷其心中意念是不愛台灣的同時,也就等於作出了一種與之劃清界限的決定,不旦「假設的同情」無以附麗,也會成為人與人之間對立撕裂的根源。但這並不代表我們不能對不同意見進行批判,只是我們所能論斷者,應該限縮在,將特定意見置諸於特定客觀標準下(例如追求全人類最大福址),是不是一個應該被採納的意見,也就是對這特定的意見,進行「好不好」的論斷,如是而已。
懇切地期待,在台灣的每一個人,都能永遠保持對人對事的同理與謙卑,那麼,我們會發現,即使你我的意見那麼、那麼的不同,但我們愛台灣的心卻是一樣是濃稠無比、無分軒輊的。 

2004-04-21/自由時報/第十五版/社自由廣場】

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