執政後的民進黨：新自由主義和台灣民族主義

The DPP in power: Neoliberalism and Taiwan nationalism

　2000年，民進黨因為國民黨的分裂而在大選中獲勝。在選戰中，陳水扁提出相對於統獨對立的「新中間路線」，在選後提出穩健的兩岸關係主張「四不一沒有」，這主要是基於美國態度和獲取勝選的考慮。執政之初的陳水扁也嘗試與國民黨分享權力，由國民黨籍、軍人出身的唐飛擔任行政院長。但三個月左右，唐飛即遭撤換，從此藍綠兩陣營陷入長期的政爭之中。

　In 2000, DPP won the Presidential Election because of the split in KMT. In the election campaign, Chen Shui-bian proposed “New Central Course”(different from Independence and Reunification), and after the election he proposed stable view on the cross-strait relationship, the so-called “Four Nos Plus One” policy, which is based on the U.S. attitude and the winning concern. At first Chen also tried to share power with KMT, appointing a KMT general Tang Fei as the minister of Executive Yuan. But about three months, Tong was replaced and two sides of Green (DPP and other pro-independence parties close with DPP) and Blue (KMT and other pro-reunification parties close with KMT) fell into political struggles for a long time.

  在統獨問題上，由於卸任的李登輝籌建了獨派色彩鮮明的台灣團結聯盟，而獨派的各種社團也相當活躍，民進黨便持續在「拉攏中間選民」和「鞏固獨派基本票源」兩條路線之間擺盪，並越來越傾向後者。在社會經濟議題上，民進黨採取新自由主義的路線，積極推動去管制化、私有化、勞動彈性化等政策，其幅度更甚於國民黨時代。以私有化政策而言，國民黨時代僅將多個國營工業私有化，民進黨時代則開始針對公共服務等（如以電信、大眾運輸等）對人民生活影響更大的部門進行私有化。民進黨也利用縮短法定工時（從每週48小時縮短到兩週84小時）的時機，放寬勞基法中對工時彈性、女性夜間工作的限制，並計畫推動制定勞動派遣法、放鬆勞基法關於資方解雇工人及聘雇臨時工的限制。此外教育和健保費用的上漲、退休金給付額度的縮水也是民進黨政府新自由主義政策的重要環節。

　On the issue of independence, the retired President Lee built up Taiwan Solidarity Union, formed by Taiwan Independence hardliners, and other groups of Independence Side are also very active. And DPP continues to swing between two lines of “flattering the neutral voters” and “consolidating the base of hardliners” and DPP moves more and more to the latter. On the social and economic issues, DPP takes the line of neoliberalism, actively pushing the policies of deregulation, privatization, and labor flexiblization, and their range are far more than the KMT government. As for the privatization policy, KMT only privatized public industries, and DPP starts to privatize public services, such as telecommunication and public transportation, which have much more impact on people’s lives. DPP also takes the advantage of shortening working hours (from 48 hours weekly to 84 hours for two weeks), loosening the limits of flexible working hours and women working in the nighttime in the Labor Standard Law; and DPP also plans to set the Labor Dispatch Law, and loosens the limits of lay-off and hiring temporary workers. Besides, the hikes of education and national health insurance fees, and decreasing the retirement payment are also important parts of DPP neoliberal policy.

  民進黨政府更積極推動所謂的金融改革，目標是透過金融資本的合併，協助大財閥創造大規模的金融機構，正是在這個促進金融資本肥大化的過程當中，產生了許多的貪瀆弊案，也加速了民進黨的腐敗。在財政方面，民進黨政府不斷減免資本家的稅負，以刺激資本家投資意願、保障企業利潤，部分與民進黨政府關係密切的財團不是實際上免稅，甚至還可以享受退稅優惠。加上政府在BOT名義下，以龐大國家預算和國營事業資金挹注私人資本興建的公共工程（如高速鐵路），這都使得政府財政問題空前惡化。官方數字顯示則台灣政府債務占國民生產毛額比例已達39％，民間的估算則高達90％。

　DPP government also actively pushes the so-called “Banking Reform.” The purpose is to help the big banking businesses create huge financial institutions through the merger of banking capital. Just during the process of merger, many corruptions occurred and it quickens the decadence of DPP. As for the government finance, DPP government continues to cut the taxes of the capitalists in order to stimulate their investment and insure the profit of their businesses. Some plutocrats with intimate relationship with DPP are actually free of taxes and even can have the benefit of tax refund. Besides, the government uses BOT as cover-up, to give huge amount of national budget and money from public enterprises to the public constructions built by private capital (such as High Speed Railway), which makes the government financial crisis even worse. The official record shows that the government debt/GDP has reached to 39%, and the non-official calculation is 90%.

　民進黨的新自由主義政策造成勞動大眾處境的持續惡化以及社會貧富差距的持續擴大。近年來官方失業率數字雖然有所降地，但是這是因為不穩定就業人數（如派遣、臨時工）的增加。近五年來受雇者的經常性薪資年增率不到1％，扣除通膨率後的實質經常性薪資增幅更連續三年負成長。過去六年來，處於社會最底層的近70萬戶家庭，薪資收入逐年遞減，年所得從2000年的1620美元，一路下降到2005年的1070美元，平均每月不到90美元（依當前匯率換算）。2005年台灣所得最高70萬戶和最低70萬戶所得差距已達50倍，吉尼係數也達0.35，兩數字都是歷年的新高。

The neoliberal policies of DPP have caused the worsening labor condition and the enlarging poverty gap. Though recently the official record of unemployment rate has decreased, it’s due to the increase of unstable employees, such as dispatch and temporary workers. The yearly increasing rate of the average usual wage for the last five years is less than 1%. If we deduct the inflation rate, the actual wage keeps decreasing for three years. For the last six years, the wage income of the poorest 20% families (nearly 700 thousand) decreases every year, and their yearly income decreases from 1620 US dollars in 2000 to 1070 in 2005, average income per month is less than 90 US dollars. In 2005, the gap between the highest income families and the lowest has reached to 50 times, and the Gini Coefficient is 0.35. Both numbers are the highest in history.

反對陳水扁的群眾運動及其失敗

The people’s movement against Chen Shui-bian and its failure

　從2005到2006年，民進黨政府爆發一連串的貪污弊案，主要是陳水扁及其家人、親信和民進黨高官涉及官商勾結和侵占國家公款，弊案中曝露了陳水扁家庭的貪婪與腐化，以及金融改革等新自由主義政策的問題。其中較早爆發的高雄捷運弊案，弊案被揭發的起因是由於高雄捷運工程的泰國籍工人，不堪嚴酷的管理制度和剝削起而發動激烈鬥爭。泰國工人的行動引起社會震驚，也暴露了不合理外勞政策背後的官商勾結問題。另一起重大案件台開案則是陳水扁女婿及其家人的股市內線交易案，此外還牽扯出財閥耐斯集團為了爭奪一間金融控股公司的主導權，向陳水扁女婿行賄，以便由陳水扁女婿出面遊說政府持有的股份支持該財閥。

From 2005 to 2006, there are a series of corruptions in the DPP government, which mainly are Chen Shui-bian and his family, intimates, and high officials of DPP involving in collaboration with businessmen and conversion of public money. These corruptions reveal the greed and decadence of Chen’s family, and the neoliberal policy of banking reform. One of these cases which happened earlier was the corruption of MRT construction in Kaohsiung. The case was exposed because the Thai construction workers couldn’t endure the harsh management system and exploitation anymore so they started strikes and demonstration. The Thai workers’ action astonished the whole society, and it also revealed the problems of collaboration between government and business behind the unreasonable guest labor policy. Another major case of Tai-Kai Company was by a tycoon—Nice Group, which bribed the son-in-law of Chen in order to gain control over a financial holding company through lobbying the government representatives of that company to support the tycoon.

　社會貧富差距的擴大、不穩定就業的蔓延和民進黨政府的貪瀆，日益引起群眾的不滿。而民進黨面臨統治危機採取的對應方式是激化統獨對立，升高台灣民族主義的情緒，將一切反對派指為中共的代理人，指控反對派是在打擊「本土政權」。在野黨（泛藍）面對民進黨的弊案，先後發動了國會罷免案和一些群眾抗議。然而，反對黨一直在採取議會路線還是群眾運動中間搖擺，由於無法分化民進黨及台聯的力量，企圖通過國會來罷免陳水扁顯然不可能達成。但是泛藍陣營又無法發動有效的群眾運動來向民進黨政府施壓，他們在實際上也害怕無法控制群眾的力量。加上泛藍陣營內部矛盾重重，更重要的是，他們無法提出真正符合勞動大眾利益的要求，提出徹底改革金權政治的主張，又無力回應民進黨的台灣民族主義攻勢，使得民進黨仍能度過危機。

The enlarging poverty gap, unstable employment, and the corruption of DPP government have caused more and more dissatisfaction among people. And when DPP faces the governing crisis, its response is to stimulate the struggles between Independence and Reunification, raising the feelings of Taiwan nationalists, charging its opponents as agents of Chinese Communist Party, and they just want to knock down the “native regime.” Facing the corruption of DPP, the opposition party (the Blue) launched proposals of deposition in the Parliament and some grass-root demonstrations. However, since they always swing between the parliament line and the people’s movement. Because they couldn’t divide the power of DPP and Taiwan Solidarity Union, it’s impossible to depose Chen through the Parliament. But the Blue also couldn’t launch effective grass-root movements to put pressure on DPP government, and they are actually afraid of losing control over the power of the people. Besides, there are numerous contradictions inside the Blue. Most important of all, they can’t propose the policies fit for the needs of the working class people to totally reform the money politics, and have no power to defense themselves from DPP’s nationalist attacks. Therefore, DPP is still safe in this crisis.

　2006年秋季，前民進黨主席、退黨許久的施明德，結合少數民進黨的政治人物與支持者、加上泛藍陣營的部份代表，發起了「反貪腐運動」，要求陳水扁下台，並醞釀推動修憲，改採內閣制。在此之前，一批長期支持民進黨的學者、律師也發表聲明並發起連署活動，要求陳水扁下台。這些新起來反對陳水扁的力量，由於出自民進黨陣營，似乎對陳水扁政權有更大的衝擊。不過他們的目標並不是要真正剷除台灣金權政治的根源，而是希望透過讓陳水扁下台，維持與重建民進黨或是台獨運動的道德與改革形象，可以說是一種台獨運動內部的自我革新。施明德發動的倒扁運動，一開始就強力限制運動的手段、規模和訴求，希望牢牢控制住運動，以防止運動的激進化。所以雖然幾次抗議都聚集了空前數量的群眾，許多過去對藍綠衝突較持中立立場的民眾以及大批年輕人都走上街頭參與示威，但是運動還是無法達到讓陳水扁下台的目的，最終瓦解消失。

In the fall of 2006, the ex-DPP chairman and ex-member for a long time, Shi Ming-te, cooperated with few DPP politicians and supporters, and some representatives of the Blue to launch an “Anti-Corruption Movement.” They demanded that Chen should step down and reform the Constitution from the Presidential system to Cabinet system. Before then, a group of scholars and lawyers who supported DPP for a long time also proposed their demand and launch a petition to ask the President resign. Because these new opposition forces come from the DPP side, it seems to have stronger impact on the Chen regime. However, their purpose is not completely destroying the root of Taiwan’s money politics, but maintaining and reestablishing the morality and progressive image of DPP or Taiwan Independent Movement, which can be referred as the internal self-reform inside Taiwan Independent Movement. As for the anti-Chen Movement launched by Shi Ming-te, in the very beginning, the methods, scale and demand of the movement were strongly limited because they want to firmly control this movement to prevent radicalization. Therefore, although in a few demonstrations the number of participants has break the history record, and many people and youth who used to maintain neutral in the Blue and the Green conflicts go on the street, this movement still cannot achieve the purpose of deposing Chen, and it finally failed and disappeared.

　陳水扁及其妻子和親信聯手侵占公款的案子被起訴後，民進黨內部一度出現權力鬥爭加劇的徵兆，不過，陳水扁還是有效地運用政治資源以及台灣民族主義來鞏固權力，壓制了民進黨內部可能出現的反對力量。2006年12月，台灣舉行首都市長和高雄（南部最大都市，也是台灣重要的工業及海港都市）市長選舉，民進黨候選人仍當選高雄市長，同時國民黨在台北市的得票也不如預期。選舉的結果使得陳水扁的權力更加鞏固，民進黨內激進台灣民族主義的勢力似乎也更佔上風。

After Chen and his wife and intimates being charged with conversion of public money, the power struggles inside DPP once went on much more serious. However, Chen still effectively use his political recourses and Taiwan nationalism to maintain his power, and crushing the possible opposition forces inside DPP. In December 2006, two Mayer elections were held in Taipei capital and Kaohsiung (the largest city in the south and important industrial and harbor city in Taiwan). And the DPP candidate still won in Kaohsiung, and KMT’s candidate in Taipei didn’t win as much votes as expected. The election results made Chen’s power even stronger, and radical Taiwan nationalists in DPP seem to get the upper hand.

台灣左翼運動的現況

The current situation of Taiwan’s left movement

在反對陳水扁的群眾運動當中，台灣左翼團體以及個別的左翼人士也積極了參與其中，但是卻難以發揮獨立的影響力，原因是多方面的：社會主義組織與工人階級的脫節、社會主義團體對於時局未能提出有力的口號以及幾股左翼力量各自為政。

　In the people’s movement against Chen, Taiwan’s left groups and some individual leftists also actively join in, but can’t have independent influence over the movement. There are various results: socialist organizations’ disconnection with the working class, socialist groups fail to propose effective demands, and each group went in its own way without solidarity.

　台灣歷史最悠久的社會主義派別是所謂的夏潮系，他們的核心成員主要是50、60年代白色恐怖下的親中共政治犯以及70和80年代新一代的左翼知識份子。夏潮系組織鬆散，思想則是斯大林主義、毛主義和中國民族主義的混合體，總的來說，他們歷來皆認同中共的政治路線，即使中共本身在思想及性質上已經發生了巨大的蛻變。夏潮系其中一部分人組織了勞動黨，該黨認為中國統一能實現兩岸「民族與階級的雙重解放」，也支持中共的「經濟改革」，即使個別的人有對中共經改有不同看法，該黨的正式立場仍否認中國已出現了資本主義復辟。勞動黨的群眾基礎主要是新竹桃園地區的一些工會組織。夏潮系的人士還成立了一些文化與統一運動的團體。

　The oldest socialist organization in Taiwan is so-called “China Tide.” Its cadre are pro-Chinese Communist Party political prisoners in the 1950s and 1960s and new generation of left intellectuals. “China Tide” has loose organization, and its ideology is a mixture of Stalinism, Maoism, and Chinese nationalism. Nonetheless, they all accept CCP’s political lines, even though CCP has dramatic changes in its ideology and nature. Some members of “China Tide” organized Labor Party, which asserts that reunification with China can realize the “dual emancipation of nation and class. ” It also supports CCP’s “economic reform,” even though some individuals have different views, the Party’s official view still denies the restoration of capitalism has occurred in China. The bases of Labor Party mainly are some unions in SingChu and TauYuan Areas. Some people of China Tide also establish some cultural and reunification groups.

　工委會則是政治面貌比較模糊的左翼工人運動組織，他們的領導人鄭村棋是曾擔任馬英九任內的台北市勞工局長，是擁有高知名度的工運人士。該派系將統獨都視為資產階級的政治遊戲，認為工人階級應拒絕參與這樣的辯論，主張不統不獨。工委會的影響力主要集中在北部地區，除了工會組織外，他們發展了一些性別運動和移民勞工的組織。

Workers Legislative Action Committee has an unclear political face in the circle of left organizations. Their leader Zeng Chun-Chi used to be the Chief of Department of Labor of Taipei City in Mayer Ma Ying-jeou’s term, and he is also a very well-known labor activist. This group considers reunification or independence as political games manipulated by the capitalist class, and working class should reject to join such a debate; therefore, this group proposes a view of “non- reunification non- independence.” Its influence is mainly in the northern Taiwan. Beside trade unions, they also develop gender movement and guest labor organizations.

　除了這兩個團體之外，還有同情托洛茨基主義的工人民主協會以及其他形形色色的個別的左翼人士（他們的主要思想傾向或是毛主義或是後現代）。工人民主協會的前身成立於1999年，主要是由一些目前二三十歲的左翼知識份子發展起來的小團體。工協標舉親托洛茨基主義的革命社會主義立場，在台灣以親毛主義為主流的台灣左翼運動中算是一個異數，主要透過自主工聯在工會中活動，並發展一些青年組織。

Besides the two organizations, there are also pro-Trotskyism Workers’ Democracy Association and other various individuals (mainly are Maoists or post-modernists). The antecedent of Workers’ Democracy Association was formed in 1999,which was a small group whose members are mainly 20 to 30 years old left intellectuals. WDA proposes a stance of pro-Trotskyist revolutionary socialism, which is unique in a pro-Maoism left circle. WDA mainly works in the unions through NAFITU, and develops some youth organizations.

　這些左翼團體雖然積極在工會中開展活動，但是台灣工人階級在意識層面主要還是停留在勞資協調合作的階段，在政治上則或者擁護泛藍，或者擁護泛綠陣營的台灣民族主義。幾個大的、全國性的工會也是相當地官僚化並嚴重脫離群眾，而這幾年群眾雖然對現況越來越不滿，但是工人階級獨立發動的抗爭仍是相當的微弱，僅有少數零星的罷工。

　Although these left organizations actively work in the unions, but the consciousness of Taiwan working class still remains on the level of capital-labor cooperation, and as for the political side is either pro-Blue or pro-Green’s Taiwan nationalism. Some large, national unions are also bureaucratic and seriously disconnected with its members. In these years, although people are more and more dissatisfied with the current situation, the struggles independently launched by the working class are still very weak, and only few strikes have occurred.

　新自由主義造成的社會兩極分化、民進黨統治的腐化以及反對黨的保守與軟弱無力，加上工人階級鬥爭的低沉，使得整個台灣的局勢顯得非常的沉悶。未來整個局勢發展的關鍵在於工人階級能不能揚棄民族主義的支配，擺脫對兩大資產階級政黨的依附，形成獨立的政治力量，提出兩黨外的另類選擇。

The enlarging social gap caused by neoliberalism, the decadence of DPP regime, the conservatism and weakness of the opposition parties, and the downturn of working class struggles, all of the above have made Taiwan’s situation seem in very low spirit.  The future of Taiwan relies on whether the working class could abandon the dominance of Taiwan nationalism, and also the dependence on two capitalist parties; then establishes an independent political power, and let people have a different choice unique from two other capitalist parties.