這是幫國外左翼朋友寫的稿子，他們要出書介紹各國的民眾抗爭。我只是簡單的介紹一下台灣這些年來的變化與社會運動，匆匆寫成，沒有什麼分析性和學術性，算是敷衍的文章。英譯當然不是我完成的，是請工協的洪家寧同志大力幫忙的。

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  1980年代臺灣政治社會發生劇烈的變動，一般都從1986年底戰後第一個真正意義的反對黨－民進黨的建立、以及次年戒嚴令的正式解除當作新舊時代的分水嶺。不過，變化不是突然發生的。1979年底的「美麗島事件」，國民黨不但無法徹底壓制反對運動，反而使「黨外」獲得更多民眾的同情，在接下來有限開放的「國會」和「地方議會」選舉中頗有斬獲。反對運動成長的同時，也展開了路線的辯論。

In the 1980s, there’s a dramatic change in the socio-political environment in Taiwan. Generally, the building of the first opposition party after WWII—Democratic Progressive Party in the end of 1986, and the abolishment of Martial Laws in the following year are viewed as the beginning of a new era. In the “Formosa Event” in the end of 1979, the KMT government cannot completely destroy the opposition movement (opposing KMT ruling), but it made the so-called “Tang-Wai”（literally means “outside the party”, which means the people of the opposition movement）movement gain more recognition from the people. And the opposition party gained more votes in the following limited Parliament and Local Congress election. While the opposition movement grows, a debate of courses also begins.

1984年：政治社會轉型的起點

1984: the beginning of socio-political transformation

  1984年則是一個重要的年份，但其意義常被忽略。本年七月，台灣在美國的壓力之下通過了《勞動基準法》。《勞基法》的制定至少歷經了十年，圍繞著該法的內容，台灣進行了不完全的、歪曲的，但是卻是首次的勞資辯論。當時還在戒嚴時期，幾乎沒有任何開展工人運動的可能性，整個工人階級是沉默的，但是他們的要求曲折地、片面地透過國民黨的「勞工立委」表達了出來。這部《勞基法》在當時意義似乎不算太大，因為台灣多數企業是零細型的企業，他們慣於僱用低工資、長工時的廉價勞工來因應激烈的國內外市場競爭，規避勞基法是它們的生存法則。而許多大企業和國民黨政權有著密切的關係，也未必有需要全面遵守本法（尤其是退休金等規定）。整個官僚機構更是沒有落實法令的意願，但正是工人階級落實這部法律的要求，在不到五年之後，開啟了1949年以後台灣首波的工潮。

  1984 is an important year, but its meaning is often neglected. In July 1984, under the pressure of the United States, Taiwan government passed the Labor Standard Law. The making of the Labor Standard Law took at least ten years. Around the content of the law, the first , but incomplete and distort debate between labor and capitalists began. It was during the time of Martial Law, at which moment there is almost no possibility to expand the worker’s movement. The working class is silent, but its demands are expressed deviously and unilaterally by the KMT “Labor Legislator”. At that time, this law didn’t mean much. Because most of Taiwan businesses are of middle or small sizes, the employees are used to hire low-wage, long-hour workers to fight the intense market competition. Therefore, escaping from the Law is their rule to survive. And many big businesses have close relationships with the KMT regime, so they don’t need to fully abide by the law, especially about the pension requirements. And the whole bureaucracy didn’t have the will at all to enforce the law. But within five years, the demands of working class to enforce the law, started the first wave of worker’s struggles after WWII.

  在1984年成立的兩個組織，也具有歷史性的意義。首先是黨外運動中一批年輕的知識份子在本年成立了《新潮流雜誌》，號召要「重建新的反對事業」，批判黨外運動的主流勢力，並積極討論工農等課題。不到十年的時間，這個團體成為民進黨和台獨運動中具有舉足輕重地位的政治派別。另一方面，部分新潮流成員結合另一個立場同情社會主義、主張中國統一的黨外雜誌《夏潮》部分成員，成立了1949年以後首個工運組織－台灣勞工法律支援會。由於在戒嚴時期，不但無法合法地罷工、示威，組織工人也有被統治者認定涉嫌「叛亂」的可能，當時只能透過法律服務的方式接觸工人，但這個組織卻是幾年後台灣工運組織的起點。而統獨兩派的知識份子共組一個工運團體，也說明當時統獨爭議還沒浮上檯面，統獨兩派也尚未尖銳對立。

　The two organizations established in 1984 also have historical meaning. First, a group of young intellectuals of the opposition movement established “New Tide Magazine”, calling for the rebuilding of the opposition task, criticizing the major current in the movement, and actively discussing the issues of workers and peasants. Within ten years, this group becomes one of the most important political factions in DPP and in Taiwan Independent Movement. On the other hand, some members of the “New Movement” joining hand in hand with some of a pro-socialism, pro-unification opposition magazine “China Tide”, established the first labor movement organization after 1949—Taiwan Labor Legal Assistance Organization. During the time of Martial Law, workers could not go on strike or demonstrate, and organizing workers would risk the charge of “treason”; therefore, the only way to contact workers was through law assistance. However, this organization was the starting point of labor movement organizations in Taiwan. Intellectuals of both pro-independence and pro-unification built one organization together, which means the debate between independence and unification was not yet on the table, and the two sides were not yet in sharp opposition.

民進黨的建黨與社會運動的興起

The building of Democratic Progressive Party（DPP）and the rise of social movements

  在民進黨成立之前，黨外已開始組織化的嘗試，國民黨也多少加以容忍，並且在1986年4月初步決定進行政治革新，同年9月民進黨的建黨當然是迫使國民黨進行政治改革的重要動力。黨禁的突破、戒嚴令的解除、報禁的開放等等重大的政治變動，都在短短一年多內發生。政治高壓的初步解除，產生了兩大直接的影響：社會運動迅速發展、統獨爭議也急速白熱化。

Before the establishment of DPP, the “Tang-Wai” has attempted to organize and the KMT tolerated a bit, and decided to begin the political reform in April 1986. Certainly an important force to push the reform is the DPP establishment in September. The breaking of party-ban, the lift of Martial Law, and the freedom of the press, all these major political changes occurred in just a little more than one year. The basic relief of political pressure results in two direct influences: the rapid growth of social movements, and the intensified debate between independence and unification reach climax.

　1987到1989年是台灣社會運動的高漲期，工運、農運、環保運動、性別運動和原住民運動都在不同程度上有所發展。在戒嚴時期，工人無法罷工，勞動法令也未落實。政治空間的開放使得工人展開集體行動，要求政府與資方落實以勞基法為主的勞動法令，並且改組過去由資方控制的工會，在沒有工會的工廠建立工會，並且進行工會之間的結盟。主要的鬥爭包括了各地客運業工人的罷工與抗爭、台塑和大同等大型私人企業工會的建立、由國民黨控制的國營事業工會的自主化、1987年底到8 8 年初各地工人爭取年終獎金的抗爭等。各地自主化或是新建立的工會在1988年五一勞動節成立了第一個全國性、自主性的工會聯盟：全國自主勞工聯盟（NAFITU），企圖挑戰國民黨御用的全國總工會（CFL）。

　The high tide of Taiwan social movement is from 1987 to 1989. Worker, peasant, environment, gender, and indigenous movements have developed to different levels. During the time of Martial Law, the workers couldn’t go on strike, and labor laws weren’t implemented. The workers started collective action because of the open-up of political space, demanding the government and employees to enforce the labor laws, mainly the Labor Standard Law. And the workers transformed the yellow unions controlled by the capitalists, established unions in non-union factories, and built up solidarity among unions. Main struggles are bus workers’ strikes and demonstrations in different areas, unions established in Formosa Plastics Group, Tatung, and other large private enterprise, the autonomy of KMT-controlled public enterprises’ unions, fighting for year-end bonus almost everywhere from the end of 1987 to early 1988, and so on. On May 1^st Labor Day in 1988, the autonomous or newly-built unions establish the first nation-wide and independent union confederation: National Federation of Independent Trade Unions（NAFITU）, in order to challenge the KMT-controlled Chinese Federation of Labor（CFL）.

　國民黨四十年來的「以農養工」政策，使得台灣依靠小塊田土從事耕作的零細小農，為經濟成長付出了巨大的代價。80年代後期，美國向台灣施加強大壓力，要求開放稻米、水果、家禽等農產品進口，嚴重衝擊台灣小農的生計，農民運動也以反對美國農產品為契機而展開。農民在各地組織成立了權益促進會，並嘗試建立全國性的組織。農民的要求包括反對開放農產品市場、開辦農民保險、農會自主化等。民進黨新潮流系也積極介入新生的農民組織，致使農運發生嚴重的對立與分裂。新潮流主導的農運組織迴避美國帝國主義對台灣農民的侵害，並且主張富有爭議、將導致台灣農業消滅的農地自由買賣。在新潮流主導的農民組織在1988年5月20日發動抗議，和鎮暴警察發生嚴重衝突，被政府強力鎮壓，自此臺灣的農運急遽走向低潮以至於消亡。

　The forty-year “industry-nurturing agriculture” policy of KMT regime has made small peasants relying on small lands pay a huge prize for economic development. In the late 1980s, the U.S. put strong pressure on Taiwan, pushing for the import of U.S. rice, fruits, poultry, and other agricultural products, which would seriously hurt the livelihood of peasants. Therefore the peasant movement started because of the fight against U.S. agricultural products. Peasants organized “peasant right advancement organizations” locally, and tried to build up nation-wide organizations. The peasants demands included against the market access of agriculture, for the peasant insurance, and the autonomy of Farmer’s Cooperatives. The “New-Movement” faction in DPP also actively intervened in these newborn peasant organizations, which cause serious antagonism and split. The New-Movement-controlled peasant organization avoided the issues of how US imperialism hurt Taiwan farmers, and propose controversial and deadly policy of freely buy-and-sell of farmer’s land. And the New-Movement-controlled peasant organization demonstrated on May 20^th 1988, clashed with riot police, and was violently crushed by the government. Since then, Taiwan’s peasant movement rapidly went down to low tide and finally vanished.

  環保運動比其他社運更早發生。1986年，由於杜邦公司要在臺灣古城鹿港設立二氧化鈦廠，引發了當地居民的反對，一些大學生也支援居民的行動。之後各地反對公害污染、反對核電廠和核廢料場的行動紛紛展開，其中反核（主要是反對興建台灣第四座核電廠）是台灣環境運動中延續最久，也最有動員力的議題。

　Environmental movements occurred earlier than other social movements. In 1986, because DuPont would established a TiO2 factory in a historic town Lukang, local community started to protest, and some college students join the actions. Later in many places, the protests against pollution, nuclear-power plant, and nuclear-waste location occurred numerously. Among them, the movement against the nuclear-power plant（mainly against the setting of the fourth nuclear-power plant）is the issue of longest time and of the strongest mobilizing power.

    和上述運動比起來，性別運動的群眾性相對來說較為薄弱。性別運動的主導力量是都會的自由主義知識菁英，他們關注的主要是兩性在法律（例如財產的繼承）、參政機會上的平等。歐美的各種女性主義思潮則在九十年代影響了許多知識份子與大學生。另外，許多資本家對結婚和懷孕的婦女有嚴重的歧視，解僱或拒絕僱用這些女性，甚或是規避婦女夜間工作的限制、不提供有薪產假。工運也積極針對這些議題進行了抗爭。

 　Compared with the above movements, the grass-root element of gender movement is weaker. The composition of gender movement is liberalist intellectuals, and their main concern is on the gender equality of law （ex the inheritance of wealth）and political opportunities. Various types of western feminism influenced many intellectuals and college students in the 1990s. Besides, workers movement also actively work on the gender issues and do the demonstrations. It’s because many employees have discrimination policy on married or pregnant women, and they would fire or refuse to hire these women, even avoid abiding by the law on the limit of women working in the nighttime, and refuse the maternity pay.

　臺灣的少數民族在國民黨政權的大漢沙文主義統治之下，被不當地稱為「山胞」，他們的文化流失，不能使用原有的姓名，原有的社會組織被破壞，在經濟上被剝削，在社會上被歧視，國民黨扶植了幾個傀儡充當他們的「政治代表」。1983年旅居台北的原住民族知識青年開始出版地下刊物，次年則有「原住民權利促進會」的成立。原住民運動的要求包括民族的正名、民族自治區的建立、民族文化與姓名的恢復與保存、傳統居住領域與土地的歸還等等。

　Under the rule of KMT regime’s chauvinism of Han （referred as the “original” Chinese people） nationalism,  indigenous people in Taiwan used to be inadequately called “Mountain People.” They lost their culture, couldn’t use their indigenous names, the original social structures were destroyed, economically deprived, and discriminated in the society. And the KMT kept a few puppets to be their “political representatives.” In 1983, young indigenous intellectuals started to publish underground magazines; next year the “Indigenous People’s Right Advancement Organization” was established. The demands of indigenous movement include the righting of names/renaming （means not to be called “Mountain People,” but the original inhabitants of Taiwan）, the establishment of self-ruling zones, the restoration and preservation of their culture and names, and the return of their original land and territory.

左翼運動的起落

 The rise and fall of the left movement

　社會運動在蓬勃發展的同時，很快就碰觸到政治化的課題。1987年一名民進黨立委倡議籌組工黨，夏潮系的知識份子與之結合，一大批各地的工會幹部加入了工黨，包括當時號稱最堅強的工會－遠東化纖工會的領導人羅美文。工黨在87年底成立，曾經廣泛引起了工人的關注與一定程度的支持。但是，倉卒成立的工黨，內部卻隱含重大的路線歧異。以黨主席為首的主流派，主張勞資的協調合作，希望透過「服務勞工」並接納國民兩黨的政客來獲取選票，而黨內的夏潮系和部分工會幹部則是希望維持比較強硬的工運抗爭路線。工黨很快就在建黨半年左右後發生分裂，夏潮系結合羅美文等工會幹部退黨，並在89年3月建立了勞動黨，並在黨綱中公開標準「民主社會主義」的立場。

　While the social movement is in rapid growth, soon it would touch the issues of politicalization. In 1987, a DPP legislator proposed to organize Workers’ Party, and intellectuals of “China Tide” join with him. Then a large number of union cadres/organizers in different places join in the Workers’ Party, including at that time the leader of the strongest union—Far Eastern (Yuandong) Chemical Fiber Factory Union—Lo Mei-Wen. Workers’ Party was established in the end of 1987, which once caught the workers’ concern and support to a certain degree. However, since it’s established in such a short time and rush way, there is huge difference on the issue of lines and courses inside the Workers’ Party. The Major faction leaded by the Party chairman proposed the cooperation line between the capitalists and workers, hoping to gain the votes by doing “labor services” and receiving the politicians form both KMT and DPP. But the “China Tide” faction and some union cadres hope to remain a harder struggle line. Soon after establishing for six months, the Party split. The “China Tide” faction and some union cadres such as Lo Mei-Wen withdrew from the Party, set up Labor Party in March 1989, and publicly announced “democratic Socialism” stance in the Party’s program.

　和工黨建黨的時機相比，勞動黨此時面臨的大環境已經較為不利。首先，兩年多來受到社會運動強力衝擊的國民黨和資產階級，已經擺脫迷惑而不確定如何因應的局面，決定進行更強力的壓制。其次，獨派力量日漸強大，統獨爭議迅速抬頭，統獨越來越成為政治鬥爭的主要議題，不但逐漸掩蓋了階級、性別等課題，也使社會運動更深刻地因為統獨問題而分裂。在這種情況下，傾向中共、主張統一的勞動黨在工人和學生中的並不容易獲得較大的發展。

Compared with the timing of Workers’ Party, the Labor Party faced less favorable circumstances. First of all, KMT and capitalists have abandoned puzzled and uncertain attitudes toward strong impact from social movements for two years, and decided to crash the movement with fiercer forces. Second, the strength of Independence Movement grew stronger day by day, and the issue of independence became major issue in the political struggle. And the result was that issues of class aor gender were neglected, and social movements were further divided. Under these circumstances, pro-China Communist Party and pro-reunification Labor Party was less favored by workers and students.

　89年5月，由勞動黨主席羅美文擔任領導人的遠東化纖工會決定發動罷工，以回擊資方片面將核心工會幹部調職。這場罷工被認為是官資聯手對工運（尤其是勞動黨）的大鎮壓，遠化工會慘敗而瓦解，羅美文等幹部被解雇。遠化罷工的失敗，可以說是台灣社運的分水嶺，代表著社會運動從因政治開放而來的短暫高潮已經結束，從此轉入了低潮，至今未能恢復。

In May 1989, the chairman of Labor Party and leader of Far Eastern Chemical Fiber Factory Union Lo Mei-Wen decided to launch a strike in order to fight back the case that the employee deliberately transferred union cadres to distant post. The end of the strike—terrible defeat, the union crushed, and cadres such as Lo laid off— was considered the collaborative crack-down on the worker’s movement (especially on the Labor Party) by the government and capitalists. The defeat of the Far Eastern Chemical Fiber Factory Union is a turning point, which shows the temporary high tide of social movements because of the open space in politics is over, and the time of downturn has come. Until now, it’s not yet recovered.