台獨運動的迅速成長與社會抗爭的低落

The rapid growth of Taiwan Independent Movement and the decline of social struggles

　九○年代的臺灣政治社會發展以三大特點：民主化（資產階級民主的確立與鞏固）、本土化（台獨運動的抬頭）和全球化（社會主義被視為徹底破產，新自由主義成為意識形態霸權）。國民黨的專制政治一去不復返，1992年國會全面改選，資產階級代議政制基本在臺灣獲得了實現。民進黨的政治實力也逐漸膨脹，至少在反對陣營中沒有其他力量能挑戰它的主導地位。國民黨則陷於長期的內鬥，1993年更產生了分裂，一股反李登輝的力量脫黨建立了「新黨」，宣稱該黨「反台獨」、「反黑金」。在新黨成立前後，統獨的對立更加升高，新黨成為「統」的代表，而獨派方面，則出現比較複雜的情況。李登輝主政的國民黨被認為走的是「獨台」路線，亦即不宣布台獨，但是對內進行「本土化」（如權力分配、教育文化等），對外與中共尖銳對立，他在卸任前一年更公開提出台灣與中國是「特殊國與國關係」（所謂兩國論）的主張。

　There are three characteristics in the development of Taiwan’s politics and society: democratization (the establishment of capitalist democracy), localization (the rise of Independence Movement), and globalization (Socialism was considered totally bankrupt, and neoliberalism gained the ideological hegemony). The autocracy of KMT was history. In 1992, the Parliament (the Legislative Yuan) was totally open for general election, and the Representative Politics was basically realized in Taiwan. The political strength of DPP was also growing—at least no other opposition party could challenge it. The KMT was deeply drowned in its internal clashes, and split in 1993. An anti Lee Teng-hui (the President and the Chairman of KMT) force withdrew and set up “New Party, ” claiming it’s “anti-Taiwan Independence” and “anti-black money.” Around the establishment of New Party, the opposition between two sides of Independence and Reunification grew much more sharpening, and the New Party became the representative of Reunification. And as for the Independence side, it’s much more complicated. The KMT in the time of Lee Teng-hui was considered taking the “Independent Taiwan” course, meaning not to declare independence, but carry out the policies of “localization” (such as in the power distribution, culture, education, etc), and maintain acute relationship with Mainland China. Even before Lee step down from Presidency, he publicly claim that Taiwan and China are of “special state to state relation” (the so-called “theory of two countries”).

　民進黨於1991年通過「台獨黨綱」，明確主張「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」。然而，1992年國會全面改選前後，民進黨基本上全黨擁抱「選舉總路線」，包括過去主張群眾路線為主、議會路線為輔的新潮流系亦然。為了在選舉中獲勝、尤其為了奪取執政權，加上兩岸經濟一體化的程度日漸加深，而「全球化」潮流下國際市場競爭也日趨激烈化，越來越多台灣資本家主張緩和兩岸關係，加強兩岸經貿往來。民進黨面對這個形勢，黨內屢屢產生路線的爭議，溫和派主張台灣已經獨立，只是國號為中華民國，而在全球化潮流下，台灣不能迴避與中國的經貿關係。強硬派則堅持要實現台灣的法理獨立（改國號），同時反對擴大兩岸經貿及其他方面的交流。96年總統大選中，台獨色彩鮮明的彭明敏慘敗，溫和派的主張於是較居於主導地位，也因此引發了強硬派的不滿，多次出現脫黨另組意識形態鮮明的台獨政黨的嘗試，不過均未能獲得持久的發展。

　DPP passed “Taiwan Independence Clause” in 1991, clearly proposing to “establish Republic of Taiwan with independent sovereignty.” However, around the general election of the Parliament in 1992, basically DPP embraced the course of “everything for election,” including the New Tide faction which claims the grass-root course first and election second. In order to win the election, especially to take over the state power and the changes in economy—the closer and deeper relation with China, and more and more Taiwan capitalists propose to soften the atmosphere and enhance the economic relationship with China because of fiercer global competition , there are conflicts of different courses in the DPP. The dovish side claims that Taiwan has already been independent, but only the country’s name is Republic of China; and under the trend of globalization, Taiwan cannot avoid to do business with China. And the hardliners insist to realize the nomological independence (to change the name of the country) and object to enhance the economic and other relationship with China. In the 1996 Presidential Election, the hardliner Pong Ming-Men lost bitterly, so the Dovish line became the majority, but which also caused the hardliner’s dissatisfaction, and from time to time they would try to withdraw to another party with clear line of Taiwan Independence. But it didn’t last long.

　90年代臺灣的社會運動因為幾個方面的不利因素，所以一直在困境中曲折前進。首先是統獨議題的白熱化大大掩蓋了階級、性別、生態等社會議題。其次，民進黨力量的壯大及其對社會運動的支配，使得從中難以發展出獨立於國民、民進兩大資產階級政黨的政治力量。國民黨長期的反共教育、官僚社會主義陣營的崩解，以及中共的官僚獨裁，幾個因素加起來使得知識界和一般臺灣民眾對社會主義缺乏理解與真正的興趣，工人運動的主流一直和社會主義思想保持相當的距離，妥協性、保守性比較強烈。而反抗運動先後被日本殖民統治、國民黨專制獨裁所鎮壓，比較缺乏批判、反抗的傳統，也是社運暫時難以發展的一個因素。

Because of different aspects of disadvantages, Taiwan’s social movement in the 90s kept crawling with difficulties. First, intensified debate between independence and unification reach climax, and it covers up other social issues such as class, gender, and ecology. Second, the growing strength of DPP and its control over social movements make it hard to establish political strength independent from two major capitalist parties, KMT and DPP. Anti-communist education for long time during the KMT regime, the breaking-down of bureaucratic socialist countries, and the bureaucratic autocracy of Chinese Communist Party, all the above factors contribute to the following results: the intellectuals and ordinary people lack the understanding and interest in Socialism, and the main currents of worker’s movement keep distance to socialist ideas, therefore they tend to be compromising and conservative. And because the resistance movement was crashed first by Japanese colonists and later by KMT regime, it lacks the progressive tradition. And it’s also one of the factors that makes social movement hard to develop.

90年代工人運動的主要課題

The major task of labor movement in the 90s

　90年代的社會運動中比較有組織性和群眾性的仍推工人運動，不過鬥爭性和延續性比起80年代大大低落了許多。這個階段主要的工運課題有反對國家勞動惡法的運動、各地中小型私營企業工人反對關廠外移的鬥爭以及國營事業工人反對私有化的鬥爭。從80年代末開始，國民黨政府因應工運的抬頭就打算修改勞動法令，包括讓勞基法鬆綁、限制罷工權等等，在勞動彈性化的潮流日漸蔓延下，90年代中期開始勞基法的規範一步步的放寬，這個勞基法空洞化的修法意圖現在由民進黨政府繼承下來，並以更大的力道來推動。隨著兩岸經濟一體化的程度加深，台灣資本家移往大陸的日漸增加，先是中小型企業，近年來則是大型企業。90年代中後期關廠抗爭頗為普遍，但是由於力量分散、台灣又是廠場型工會而非產業工會，所以組織與抗爭都很難延續下來。國營事業工人反對私有化的鬥爭，由於國營企業中大型企業較多，所以影響較大，但是國營企業工會官僚化的程度相當大，意識型態相當保守，並未在理念上根本反對私有化，往往僅是爭取私有化過程中比較好的勞動或離職條件。

　Those more organized and grass-root organizations in the social movements kept working in the worker’s movement, but compared with the 80s, the fighting spirit and continuity is less and less. In this stage, the major issues of labor movement are against bad labor laws, against factory close down and move overseas by private enterprises, and against privatization by workers of public enterprises. From the end of 80s, KMT’s response to the rise of worker’s movement is revising labor laws, including loosening the limits of Labor Standard Law, limiting the right to strike. With the trend of labor flexiblization, the rules of Labor Standard Law continued to loosen up, and this intention to make this law useless was inherited by DPP, who pushed this trend with stronger force. With the level of economic unity between Taiwan and China gets higher, more and more Taiwanese capitalists move to China, the middle-small businesses first and recently the big businesses. In the late 90s, the protests against close-shop occurred frequently, but since the strength was divided and the union system in Taiwan (factory union not industrial union), it’s hard to maintain the struggles and organizations. The protests by workers in the public enterprises against privatization have larger effect because there are more middle-large public enterprises. However, the bureaucratization level of their unions is relatively higher, with their more conservative ideology, the unions do not ideologically oppose privatization. What they struggle for are better working or laid-off conditions in the process of privatization.

　另一方面，非國民黨控制的工會繼續嘗試組織化，先在幾個縣市建立了產業總工會的組織，這些地方級的總工會再與部分國營企業工會尋求聯合，在90年代後其開始推動建立「全國產業總工會」（TCTU）的運動。2000年五一勞動節，全國產業總工會正式成立，當時民進黨已在總統大選中獲勝，新政府旋即表示承認該總工會的合法地位，過去全國總工會定於一尊的局面被突破。然而，從整體上來說，90年代臺灣工運的主導力量是民進黨新潮流系的外圍組織、由前述台灣勞工法律支援會改組而成的勞工陣線，在政治上依附民進黨、在意識形態上是溫和的改良主義，強調勞資的平等合作，而不是階級鬥爭與社會主義。（90年代其他兩個工人階級派別是斯大林主義、親中共的勞動黨和被人視為工聯主義的工委會）。全產總成立後正是由親民進黨的力量主導，很快的就成為依附民進黨政府的御用工會。

　On the other hand, non-KMT-controlled unions continued trying to organize. First they establish union federations in counties or cities, and these local union federation seek solidarity with some public enterprise trade unions. And in the late 90s, they launched a movement to establish “Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions (TCTU).” On May 1^st Labor Day, TCTU was founded. At that time the DPP had already won the Presidential Election, and the new government soon recognized the legitimacy of this Union Confederation, which broke through the one-union (CFL) situation in the past. However, overall, the leading force of the worker’s movement in the 90s is periphery group, the Taiwan Labor Front, which was transformed from the Taiwan Labor Legal Assistance Organization. And this group is politically leaned to DPP, with soft reformist ideology, stressing the cooperation between labor and capital, but not class struggle nor socialism. (Two other worker’s movement groups in the 90s are Labor Party and Workers Legislative Action Committee, the former Stalinist and pro-Chinese Communist Party, and the latter syndicalist.) TCTU was controlled by pro-DPP faction, and soon it became a yellow union, clinging onto the DPP government.