黎智英日前被發與美國的前國防部長保羅沃夫維茲(Paul Wolfowitz)，一起搭乘私人遊艇，駛向公海暢談機密事務5小時，我很好奇都是在談什麼。

一旦扯到沃夫維茲，我就會全身發涼，這位在伊拉克戰爭前期，與美國的軍工複合體，大力恐嚇海珊藏有『大規模毀滅性武器』，讓至少10萬個無辜伊拉克人民白白喪生，上百萬人民目前還現在那飽受飢餓、戰亂、內鬥、與恐怖事件。

從薩爾瓦多到伊拉克，為美國扶植的各個傀儡政權打造蓋世太保式殺人機關的美軍半地下“軍事顧問”James Steele。

Colonel James Steele is a US veteran of the "dirty wars" in Central America, during which he trained counter-insurgency commandos who carried out extreme abuses of human rights. Steele is also a veteran of the Vietnam war. From 1984 to 1986, during the Salvadoran Civil War, Steele operated as a counterinsurgency specialist and was a member of a group of United States special forces advisers to the Salvadoran Army. In 1986 he was implicated in the Iran contra affair. In 2004, early in the Iraq War, Steele was sent by Donald Rumsfeld to serve as a civilian adviser to Iraqi paramilitary Special Police Commandos known as the Wolf Brigade.(上校詹姆斯·斯蒂爾是美國老牌的“骯髒戰爭”在中美洲，在此期間，他訓練平叛突擊隊誰進行了人權的極度踐踏。斯蒂爾也是越南戰爭的老兵。從1984年到1986年，薩爾瓦多內戰期間，斯蒂爾經營作為反叛亂專家，是一組美國特種部隊顧問，以薩爾瓦多軍隊的一員。 1986年，他被牽連的伊朗門事件。 2004年，在伊拉克戰爭初期，斯蒂爾由唐納德·拉姆斯菲爾德發送到作為一個文職顧問伊拉克準軍事部隊特種警察突擊隊被稱為狼旅。)

這是倫敦《衛報》在2013年3月6日關於Steele的專題報導。

From El Salvador to Iraq: Washington's man behind brutal police squads

In 2004, with the war in Iraq going from bad to worse, the US drafted in a veteran of Central America's dirty wars to help set up a new force to fight the insurgency. The result: secret detention centres, torture and a spiral into sectarian carnage(2004年，隨著伊拉克戰爭會每況愈下，美國起草了中美洲的骯髒的戰爭，幫助建立一個新的力量對抗叛亂的退伍軍人。其結果是：秘密拘留中心，酷刑和螺旋成宗派大屠殺)

An exclusive golf course backs onto a spacious two-storey house. A coiled green garden hose lies on the lawn. The grey-slatted wooden shutters are closed. And, like the other deserted luxury houses in this gated community near Bryan, Texas, nothing moves.(一個高級高爾夫球場背靠一間寬敞的兩層樓的房子。一個盤繞的綠色花園水管躺在草坪上。灰板條木製百葉窗關閉。而且，像在靠近德克薩斯州Bryan這門控社區的其他冷清的豪宅，沒有什麼動作)

Retired Colonel Jim Steele, whose military decorations include the Silver Star, the Defence Distinguished Service Medal, four Legions of Merit, three Bronze Stars and the Purple Heart, is not at home. Nor is he at his office headquarters in Geneva, where he is listed as the chief executive officer of Buchanan Renewables, an energy company. Similar efforts to track him down at his company's office in Monrovia are futile. Messages are left. He doesn't call back(退役上校吉姆·斯蒂爾，他的軍事裝飾包括銀星，傑出服務獎章，四軍團勳章，三銅星和紫心勳章，國防部不在家。也不是他在他的辦公室總部設在那裡他被列為布坎南可再生能源，能源公司的首席執行官日內瓦。類似的努力，追踪他在他的公司在蒙羅維亞的辦公室都是徒勞的。郵件保留。他不回電話。)

For over a year the Guardian has been trying to contact Steele, 68, to ask him about his role during the Iraq war as US defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld's personal envoy to Iraq's Special Police Commandos: a fearsome paramilitary force that ran a secret network of detention centres across the country – where those suspected of rebelling against the US-led invasion were tortured for information.(一年多來的守護者一直試圖聯繫斯蒂爾，68，問他關於他在伊拉克戰爭中的作用作為美國國防部長拉姆斯菲爾德的個人特使前往伊拉克特別警察特攻：跑拘留的秘密網絡的一個可怕的準軍事部隊全國各地的中心 - 在那些涉嫌叛亂反對以美國為首的入侵被折磨的信息。)

On the 10th anniversary of the Iraq invasion the allegations of American links to the units that eventually accelerated Iraq's descent into civil war cast the US occupation in a new and even more controversial light. The investigation was sparked over a year ago by millions of classified US military documents dumped onto the internet and their mysterious references to US soldiers ordered to ignore torture. Private Bradley Manning, 25, is facing a 20-year sentence, accused of leaking military secrets.(在伊拉克入侵10週年美國來的鏈接，最終加速了伊拉克的後裔陷入內戰單位的指控投美國佔領一個新的和更有爭議的光。該項調查是由數以百萬計的傾倒到互聯網分類美國軍事文件和它們的神秘引用美軍士兵奉命忽略折磨引發了一年多前。私人布拉德利·曼寧，25歲，正面臨20年徒刑，指控洩露軍事機密。)

Steele's contribution was pivotal. He was the covert US figure behind the intelligence gathering of the new commando units. The aim: to halt a nascent Sunni insurgency in its tracks by extracting information from detainees.(斯蒂爾的貢獻是舉足輕重的。他是美國變相圖新突擊隊的情報蒐集後面。目的：從被拘留者提取信息以制止新生遜尼派叛亂在其軌道上。)

It was a role made for Steele. The veteran had made his name in El Salvador almost 20 years earlier as head of a US group of special forces advisers who were training and funding the Salvadoran military to fight the FNLM guerrilla insurgency. These government units developed a fearsome international reputation for their death squad activities. Steele's own biography describes his work there as the "training of the best counterinsurgency force" in El Salvador.(它是為斯蒂爾做出了作用。老將曾在薩爾瓦多使他的名字幾乎是20年前的美的集團特種部隊顧問，誰是培訓和資金薩爾瓦多軍事對抗FNLM游擊隊叛亂的負責人。這些政府單位制定了自己的死亡小隊活動一個可怕的國際聲譽。斯蒂爾自己的傳記描述了他的工作像在薩爾瓦多的“訓練最好的反叛亂力量”。)

Of his El Salvador experience in 1986, Steele told Dr Max Manwaring, the author of El Salvador at War: An Oral History: "When I arrived here there was a tendency to focus on technical indicators … but in an insurgency the focus has to be on human aspects. That means getting people to talk to you."(在1986年他的薩爾瓦多的經驗，斯蒂爾告訴馬克斯博士Manwaring，薩爾瓦多的作者在戰爭：口述歷史：“當我來到這裡有一種傾向，注重技術指標......但在一個叛亂的重點必須是在人性化方面，這意味著讓人們和你說話。“)

But the arming of one side of the conflict by the US hastened the country's descent into a civil war in which 75,000 people died and 1 million out of a population of 6 million became refugees.(但衝突一方由美國武裝趕緊國家的後裔變成一場內戰中，75,000人死亡，100萬出600萬人口淪為難民。)

Celerino Castillo, a Senior Drug Enforcement Administration special agent who worked alongside Steele in El Salvador, says: "I first heard about Colonel James Steele going to Iraq and I said they're going to implement what is known as the Salvadoran Option in Iraq and that's exactly what happened. And I was devastated because I knew the atrocities that were going to occur in Iraq which we knew had occurred in El Salvador."(Celerino卡斯蒂略，誰在薩爾瓦多一起工作斯蒂爾高級緝毒局特約代理，說：“我第一次聽到上校詹姆斯·斯蒂爾去伊拉克和我說他們打算實施了被稱為伊拉克的薩爾瓦多股權及這到底發生了什麼，而且我徹底絕望了，因為我知道要去我們知道發生在薩爾瓦多發生在伊拉克的暴行。“)

It was in El Salvador that Steele first came in to close contact with the man who would eventually command US operations in Iraq: David Petraeus. Then a young major, Petraeus visited El Salvador in 1986 and reportedly even stayed with Steele at his house.(這是在薩爾瓦多的斯蒂爾第一次來到中與該名男子誰最終將指揮美國在伊拉克的行動近距離接觸：大衛·彼得雷烏斯。然後一個年輕的少校，彼得雷烏斯訪問薩爾瓦多於1986年，據說甚至呆在一起斯蒂爾在他家。)

But while Petraeus headed for the top, Steele's career hit an unexpected buffer when he was embroiled in the Iran-Contra affair. A helicopter pilot, who also had a licence to fly jets, he ran the airport from where the American advisers illegally ran guns to right-wing Contra guerrillas in Nicaragua. While the congressional inquiry that followed put an end to Steele's military ambitions, it won him the admiration of then congressman Dick Cheney who sat on the committee and admired Steele's efforts fighting leftists in both Nicaragua and El Salvador.(但是，儘管彼得雷烏斯為首的頂部，斯蒂爾的職業生涯打一個意外的緩衝，當他被捲入了伊朗門事件。一名直升機飛行員，誰也過牌駕駛戰鬥機，他跑機場從哪裡美國顧問非法槍支跑去向右翼魂斗羅游擊隊在尼加拉瓜。而隨後的國會調查結束斯蒂爾的軍事野心，這為他贏得了當時的國會議員迪克·切尼的欽佩誰坐在委員會和欽佩戰鬥在雙方尼加拉瓜和薩爾瓦多的左派斯蒂爾的努力。)

In late 1989 Cheney was in charge of the US invasion of Panama to overthrow their once favoured son, General Manuel Noriega. Cheney picked Steele to take charge of organising a new police force in Panama and be the chief liaison between the new government and the US military.(1989年底切尼曾負責美國入侵巴拿馬的推翻他們曾經青睞的兒子，將軍諾列加。切尼挑斯蒂爾負責組織在巴拿馬一個新的警察部隊，並成為新政府和美國軍方之間的主要聯絡人。)

Todd Greentree, who worked in the US embassy in El Salvador and knew Steele, was not surprised at the way he resurfaced in other conflict zones. "It's not called 'dirty war' for nothing; so it's no surprise to see individuals who are associated and sort of know the ins-and-outs of that kind of war, reappear at different points in these conflicts," he says.(托德·格林豪泰，誰曾在薩爾瓦多的美國大使館，知道斯蒂爾，並不感到驚訝，他在其他衝突地區重新出現的方式。 “這不是所謂的”骯髒戰爭“白白，所以一點也不奇怪，看看誰是關聯和排序的知道，那種戰爭的插件和奏，在這些衝突重新出現在不同的點的個人，”他說。)

A generation later, and half the world away, America's war in Iraq was going from bad to worse. It was 2004 – the neo-cons had dismantled the Ba'athist party apparatus, and that had fostered anarchy. A mainly Sunni uprising was gaining ground and causing major problems in Fallujah and Mosul. There was a violent backlash against the US occupation that was claiming over 50 American lives a month by 2004.(一代人以後，一半的世界而去，美國在伊拉克的戰爭將每況愈下。這是2004年 - 新保守主義已經拆除了復興黨黨的機構，並促進了無政府狀態。一個主要的遜尼派起義抬頭，造成在費盧杰和摩蘇爾的重大問題。有反對美國佔領猛烈反彈被聲稱在美國50到2004年住了一個月。)

The US Army was facing an unconventional, guerrilla insurgency in a country it knew little about. There was already talk in Washington DC of using the Salvador option in Iraq and the man who would spearhead that strategy was already in place.(美國陸軍正面臨著一個非常規的，游擊叛亂在一個國家它知之甚少。有一個在華盛頓特區已經使用談話伊拉克薩爾瓦多選項，該名男子誰率先將這一戰略已經到位。)

Soon after the invasion in March 2003 Jim Steele was in Baghdad as one of the White House's most important "consultants", sending back reports to Rumsfeld. His memos were so valued that Rumsfeld passed them on to George Bush and Cheney. Rumsfeld spoke of him in glowing terms. "We had discussion with General Petraeus yesterday and I had a briefing today from a man named Steele who's been out there working with the security forces and been doing a wonderful job as a civilian as a matter of fact."(入侵2003年3月後不久，吉姆·斯蒂爾在巴格達的白宮最重要的“顧問”之一，發回報告，拉姆斯菲爾德。他的備忘錄被如此看重，拉姆斯菲爾德通過他們在小布什和切尼。拉姆斯菲爾德在喜形於色談到他。 “我們曾與彼得雷烏斯將軍討論昨天和今天我介紹一個從名為斯蒂爾人誰一直在那裡與安全部隊的工作，並已經做了出色的工作，作為一個平民作為一個事實問題。”)

In June 2004 Petraeus arrived in Baghdad with the brief to train a new Iraqi police force with an emphasis on counterinsurgency. Steele and serving US colonel James Coffman introduced Petraeus to a small hardened group of police commandos, many of them among the toughest survivors of the old regime, including General Adnan Thabit, sentenced to death for a failed plot against Saddam but saved by the US invasion. Thabit, selected by the Americans to run the Special Police Commandos, developed a close relationship with the new advisers. "They became my friends. My advisers, James Steele and Colonel Coffman, were all from special forces, so I benefited from their experience … but the main person I used to contact was David Petraeus."(2004年6月彼得雷烏斯抵達巴格達的簡短訓練一個新的伊拉克警察部隊重點放在反叛亂。 Steele和服務美國上校詹姆斯·科夫曼介紹彼得雷烏斯一個小硬一群警察突擊隊，其中許多舊政權的最艱難的倖存者，其中包括通用阿德南·塔比特，判處死刑，一個失敗的陰謀反對薩達姆，但保存在美國入侵中。塔比特，由美國人選擇的運行特種警察突擊隊，開發了新的顧問有密切的關係。 “他們成了我的朋友，我的顧問詹姆斯·斯蒂爾和上校科夫曼，均來自特種部隊，所以我從他們的經驗中獲益......但主要的人我曾經聯繫了彼得雷烏斯。”)

With Steele and Coffman as his point men, Petraeus began pouring money from a multimillion dollar fund into what would become the Special Police Commandos. According to the US Government Accounts Office, they received a share of an $8.2bn (£5.4bn) fund paid for by the US taxpayer. The exact amount they received is classified.(與Steele和科夫曼作為他的觀點的人，彼得雷烏斯開始從數百萬美元的資金注入資金，什麼將成為特種警察突擊隊。根據美國政府會計部，他們收到由美國納稅人支付的82億美元（54億英鎊）的基金份額。他們收到的確切金額歸類。)

With Petraeus's almost unlimited access to money and weapons, and Steele's field expertise in counterinsurgency the stage was set for the commandos to emerge as a terrifying force. One more element would complete the picture. The US had barred members of the violent Shia militias like the Badr Brigade and the Mahdi Army from joining the security forces, but by the summer of 2004 they had lifted the ban.(與彼得雷烏斯的幾乎無限的獲得金錢和武器，斯蒂爾的領域的專業知識在平叛的舞台已經搭好了突擊隊，以成為一個可怕的力量。還有一個元素將完成圖片。美國已經禁止暴力什葉派民兵就像巴德爾旅和邁赫迪軍從加入安全部隊的成員，但在2004年夏天，他們已經解除了禁令。)

Shia militia members from all over the country arrived in Baghdad "by the lorry-load" to join the new commandos. These men were eager to fight the Sunnis: many sought revenge for decades of Sunni-supported, brutal Saddam rule, and a chance to hit back at the violent insurgents and the indiscriminate terror of al-Qaida.(來自全國各地的什葉派民兵組織成員來到巴格達“由貨車載”加入新的突擊隊員。這些人是渴望戰鬥的遜尼派：許多尋求報復了幾十年遜尼派支持的，薩達姆的殘酷統治，並有機會回擊暴力叛亂分子和基地組織的恐怖濫。)

Petraeus and Steele would unleash this local force on the Sunni population as well as the insurgents and their supporters and anyone else who was unlucky enough to get in the way. It was classic counterinsurgency. It was also letting a lethal, sectarian genie out of the bottle. The consequences for Iraqi society would be catastrophic. At the height of the civil war two years later 3,000 bodies a month were turning up on the streets of Iraq — many of them innocent civilians of sectarian war.(彼得雷烏斯和Steele會釋放出對遜尼派人口這個地方的力量，以及叛亂分子和他們的支持者和其他人誰是運氣不好的方式獲得。這是經典的反叛亂。也有人讓一個致命的，宗派魔鬼出瓶。伊拉克社會後果將是災難性的。其中許多無辜平民的宗派戰爭 - 在內戰的高度兩年後3,000機構每月都對伊拉克的街頭轉動起來。)

But it was the actions of the commandos inside the detention centres that raises the most troubling questions for their American masters. Desperate for information, the commandos set up a network of secret detention centres where insurgents could be brought and information extracted from them.(但它是引發最令人頭疼的問題為他們的美國主子的拘留中心內的突擊隊員的行動。絕望的信息，該突擊隊成立的地方叛亂分子可以被帶到並從中提取信息的秘密拘留中心網絡。)

The commandos used the most brutal methods to make detainees talk. There is no evidence that Steele or Coffman took part in these torture sessions, but General Muntadher al Samari, a former general in the Iraqi army, who worked after the invasion with the US to rebuild the police force, claims that they knew exactly what was going on and were supplying the commandos with lists of people they wanted brought in. He says he tried to stop the torture, but failed and fled the country.(突擊隊員用最殘酷的方法，使在押人員交談。沒有任何證據表明，斯蒂爾或科夫曼在這些刑訊參加，但一般Muntadher人Samari，在伊拉克軍隊前將軍，入侵後誰曾與美國重建警察部隊，聲稱他們確切地知道什麼是怎麼回事，隨著人們他們想要的來。他說，他試圖阻止折磨列表提供了突擊隊，但失敗，逃離了這個國家。)

"We were having lunch. Col Steele, Col Coffman, and the door opened and Captain Jabr was there torturing a prisoner. He [the victim] was hanging upside down and Steele got up and just closed the door, he didn't say anything – it was just normal for him."(“我們正在吃午飯。斯蒂爾上校，上校科夫曼，以及門開了，隊長賈布爾在那裡折磨的囚犯。他[受害人]被倒掛和Steele起身，只是關上了門，他沒有說什麼 - 這只是正常的他“。)

He says there were 13 to 14 secret prisons in Baghdad under the control of the interior ministry and used by the Special Police Commandos. He alleges that Steele and Coffman had access to all these prisons and that he visited one in Baghdad with both men.(他說，有在巴格達13日至14秘密監獄內政部控制下和使用的特種警察突擊隊。他稱，斯蒂爾和科夫曼曾訪問所有這些監獄，他參觀了一間在巴格達與兩個男人。)

"They were secret, never declared. But the American top brass and the Iraqi leadership knew all about these prisons. The things that went on there: drilling, murder, torture. The ugliest sort of torture I've ever seen."(“他們的秘密，從來沒有宣布，但美國高層和伊拉克領導人知道所有關於這些監獄的繼續存在的東西：。鑽，謀殺，酷刑是我見過最醜的那種酷刑”)

According to one soldier with the 69th Armoured Regiment who was deployed in Samarra in 2005 but who doesn't want to be identified: "It was like the Nazis … like the Gestapo basically. They [the commandos] would essentially torture anybody that they had good reason to suspect, knew something, or was part of the insurgency … or supporting it, and people knew about that."(據一名士兵與第69裝甲團誰是部署在薩馬拉於2005年，但誰不希望被認定：“這就像納粹...像蓋世太保基本上他們[突擊]將基本上折磨人，他們有充分的理由懷疑，知道的東西，或者是叛亂的一部分...或支持它，人們知道這一點。“)

The Guardian interviewed six torture victims as part of this investigation. One, a man who says he was held for 20 days, said: "There was no sleep. From the sunset, the torture would start on me and on the other prisoners.

"They wanted confessions. They'd say: 'Confess to what have you done.' When you say: 'I have done nothing. Shall I confess about something I have not done?', they said: 'Yes, this is our way. The Americans told us to bring as many detainees as possible in order to keep them frightened.'

"I did not confess about anything, although I was tortured and [they] took off my toenails."(衛報採訪了6酷刑受害者作為調查的一部分。其中，一個人誰說他被關押了20天，說：“有沒有睡眠從日落時分，折磨將開始我和其他囚犯。

“他們想要的供述，他們會說：'承認你做了什麼。”當你說：'？我做什麼，我要承認的東西我沒有做過'，他們說：'是的，這是我們的方式，美國人告訴我們要帶給盡可能多的被拘留者，以盡可能讓他們害怕。 “。

“我沒有承認任何事情，雖然我被折磨和[他們]脫下我的腳趾甲。”)

Neil Smith, a 20-year-old medic who was based in Samarra, remembers what low ranking US soldiers in the canteen said. "What was pretty widely known in our battalion, definitely in our platoon, was that they were pretty violent with their interrogations. That they would beat people, shock them with electrical shock, stab them, I don't know what else ... it sounds like pretty awful things. If you sent a guy there he was going to get tortured and perhaps raped or whatever, humiliated and brutalised by the special commandos in order for them to get whatever information they wanted."

He now lives in Detroit and is a born-again Christian. He spoke to the Guardian because he said he now considered it his religious duty to speak out about what he saw. "I don't think folks back home in America had any idea what American soldiers were involved in over there, the torture and all kinds of stuff."(尼爾·史密斯，誰是總部設在薩邁拉一個20歲的軍醫，記得什麼低級別的美國士兵在食堂說。 “什麼是漂亮眾所周知在我們大隊，絕對是我們的排長，是他們是相當暴力與他們的盤問，那他們會打的人，用電擊震撼他們，他們刺傷，我不知道還有什麼...這聽起來像很可怕的事情，如果你發送一個傢伙那裡，他還是要學會接受生活的折磨，也許什麼強姦，侮辱並經特殊的突擊隊，以便他們能夠得到什麼信息，他們想要的摧殘。“

他現在住在底特律，是一個重生的基督徒。他談到的守護者，因為他說他現在認為這是他的宗教職責，講出他所看到的。 “我不認為人們回家在美國有參與什麼美國士兵在那裡任何想法，東西的折磨和各種。”)

Through Facebook, Twitter and social media the Guardian managed to make contact with three soldiers who confirmed they were handing over detainees to be tortured by the special commandos, but none except Smith were prepared to go on camera.

"If somebody gets arrested and we hand them over to MoI they're going to get their balls hooked, electrocuted or they're going to get beaten or raped up the ass with a coke bottle or something like that," one said.

He left the army in September 2006. Now 28, he works with refugees from the Arab world in Detroit teaching recent arrivals, including Iraqis, English.

"I suppose it is my way of saying sorry," he said.(通過Facebook，Twitter和社交媒體的守護者設法讓三名士兵誰證實，他們被拘留者的特別突擊隊被折磨被移交，但沒有除了史密斯是準備去上攝像頭的接觸。

“如果有人被逮捕，我們交給內政部，他們會得到他們的球大呼過癮，觸電或他們會就要挨打或強姦的屁股用可樂瓶或類似的東西，”一說。

他離開了軍隊在2006年9月，現在28，他的作品與教學最近的新移民，其中包括伊拉克人，英語從底特律阿拉伯世界的難民。

“我想這是我說對不起，”他說。)

When the Guardian/BBC Arabic posed questions to Petraeus about torture and his relationship with Steele it received in reply a statement from an official close to the general saying, "General (Ret) Petraeus's record, which includes instructions to his own soldiers … reflects his clear opposition to any form of torture."

"Colonel (Ret) Steele was one of thousands of advisers to Iraqi units, working in the area of the Iraqi police. There was no set frequency for Colonel Steele's meetings with General Petraeus, although General Petraeus did see him on a number of occasions during the establishment and initial deployments of the special police, in which Colonel Steele played a significant role."(當衛報/英國廣播公司阿拉伯語提出的問題，以彼得雷烏斯酷刑以及他與它在收到答复的聲明從官方接近於一般的說法，“一般（RET）彼得雷烏斯的紀錄，其中包括說明自己的士兵斯蒂爾關係......體現了他明確反對任何形式的酷刑。“

“上校（RET）斯蒂爾是成千上萬顧問伊拉克單位之一，在伊拉克警察的領域工作。有沒有固定的頻率與彼得雷烏斯將軍上校斯蒂爾的會議，儘管彼得雷烏斯將軍卻看到他在多個場合中特警，其中斯蒂爾上校起到了顯著作用，建立和初步部署。“)

But Peter Maass, then reporting for the New York Times, and who has interviewed both men, remembers the relationship differently: "I talked to both of them about each other and it was very clear that they were very close to each other in terms of their command relationship and also in terms of their ideas and ideology of what needed to be done. Everybody knew that he was Petraeus's man. Even Steele defined himself as Petraeus's man."

Maass and photographer Gilles Peress gained a unique audience with Steele at a library-turned-detention-centre in Samarra. "What I heard is prisoners screaming all night long," Peress said. "You know at which point you had a young US captain telling his soldiers, don't, just don't come near this."(但彼得馬斯，然後為紐約時報報導，誰採訪了兩個人，記住的關係是不同的：“我跟他們兩個人對彼此，這是非常清楚的，他們是非常接近對方的條款他們的指揮關係，並在他們的想法和什麼需要做意識形態方面，大家都知道他是彼得雷烏斯的人，即使斯蒂爾定義自己為彼得雷烏斯的人。“

馬斯和攝影師吉爾斯PERESS獲得一個唯一的觀眾斯蒂爾在薩邁拉庫出身的拘留中心。 “我聽到的是犯人長尖叫一整晚，”PERESS說。 “你知道，此時你有一個年輕的美國隊隊長告訴他的士兵，不，只是不要靠近這個。”)

Two men from Samarra who were imprisoned at the library spoke to the Guardian investigation team. "We'd be tied to a spit or we'd be hung from the ceiling by our hands and our shoulders would be dislocated," one told us. The second said: "They electrocuted me. They hung me up from the ceiling. They were pulling at my ears with pliers, stamping on my head, asking me about my wife, saying they would bring her here."

According to Maass in an interview for the investigation: "The interrogation centre was the only place in the mini green zone in Samarra that I was not allowed to visit. However, one day, Jim Steele said to me, 'hey, they've just captured a Saudi jihadi. Would you like to interview him?'(兩名男子從薩邁拉誰被囚禁在圖書館採訪了守護者的調查隊伍。 “我們會被連接到一吐，否則我們會被掛在天花板由我們的手和我們的肩膀會脫臼，”有人告訴我們。第二個說：“他們電擊我就掛我從天花板上他們在我耳邊用鉗子拔，踩我的頭，問我關於我的妻子，說他們會帶她來到這裡。”

根據馬斯在接受採訪時對調查：“在審訊中心是，我是不允許訪問的迷你綠色區域的唯一的地方在薩邁拉可是，有一天，吉姆·斯蒂爾對我說，'嘿，他們已經剛捕獲的沙特聖戰，你想採訪他？“)

"I'm taken not into the main area, the kind of main hall – although out the corner of my eye I can see that there were a lot of prisoners in there with their hands tied behind their backs – I was taken to a side office where the Saudi was brought in, and there was actually blood dripping down the side of this desk in the office.

Peress picks up the story: "We were in a room in the library interviewing Steele and I look around and I see blood everywhere, you know. He (Steele) hears the scream from the other guy who's being tortured as we speak, there's the blood stains in the corner of the desk in front of him."

Maass says: "And while this interview was going on with this Saudi with Jim Steele also in the room, there were these terrible screams, somebody shouting Allah Allah Allah. But it wasn't kind of religious ecstasy or something like that, these were screams of pain and terror."(雖然從我的眼角，我可以看到，有很多囚犯在那裡用自己的雙手被反綁在身後 - - 我被帶到一個側面“我心有所屬不進的主要領域，那種大殿辦公室裡的沙特被帶到那裡，原來竟是鮮血滴下來這張桌子的一側在辦公室。

PERESS拿起故事：“我們是在一個房間在圖書館採訪斯蒂爾，我環顧四周，我看到到處都是血，你知道他（斯蒂爾）從誰的被折磨，因為我們說話的其他人聽到尖叫聲，還有的血跡在他面前桌子的一角。“

馬斯說：“雖然這次採訪是與這位沙特將與吉姆·斯蒂爾也是在房間裡，有這些可怕的尖叫聲，有人高呼真主安拉真主但它不是一種忘我的宗教或類似的東西，這些都是尖叫的痛苦和恐怖。“)

One of the torture survivors remembers how Adnan Thabit "came into the library and he told Captain Dorade and Captain Ali, go easy on the prisoners. Don't dislocate their shoulders. This was because people were having to undergo surgery when they were released from the library."

General Muntadher fled after two close colleagues were killed after they were summoned to the ministry, their bodies found on a rubbish tip. He got out of Iraq and went to Jordan. In less than a month, he says, Steele contacted him. Steele was anxious to meet and suggested he come to the luxury Sheraton hotel in Amman where Steele was staying. They met in the lobby at 8pm and Steele kept him talking for nearly two hours.

"He was asking me about the prisons. I was surprised by the questions and I reminded him that these were the same prisons where we both used to work. I reminded him of the incident where he had opened the door and Colonel Jabr was torturing one of the prisoners and how he didn't do anything. Steele said: 'But I remember that I told the officer off'. So I said to him: 'No, you didn't — you didn't tell the officer off. You didn't even tell General Adnan Thabit that this officer was committing human rights abuses against these prisoners'. And he was silent. He didn't comment or answer. I was surprised by this."(你甚至沒有告訴將軍阿德南塔比特，這個軍官犯下侵犯人權的行為對這些囚犯“。他沉默了，他沒有發表評論或回答。我感到意外。”)

According to General Muntadher: "He wanted to know specifically: did I have any information about him, James Steele? Did I have evidence against him? Photographs, documents: things which proved he committed things in Iraq; things he was worried I might reveal. This was the purpose of his visit.

"I am prepared to go to the international court and stand in front of them and swear that high-ranking officials such as James Steele witnessed crimes against human rights in Iraq. They didn't stop it happening and they didn't punish the perpetrators."(據通用Muntadher：“他想知道具體是：沒有我對他的任何信息，詹姆斯斯蒂爾難道我有證據對他不利，照片，證件：？事情證明他犯的事情在伊拉克;事情，他擔心我可能揭示這是他此行的目的。

“我準備去國際法庭，並站在他們面前發誓，高官如詹姆斯·斯蒂爾見證反對伊拉克人權的罪行，他們並沒有阻止它發生，他們沒有嚴懲肇事者“。)

Steele, the man, remains an enigma. He left Iraq in September 2005 and has since pursued energy interests, joining the group of companies of Texas oilman Robert Mosbacher. Until now he has stayed where he likes to be – far from the media spotlight. Were it not for Bradley Manning's leaking of millions of US military logs to Wikileaks, which lifted the lid on alleged abuses by the US in Iraq, there he may well have remained. Footage and images of him are rare. One video clip just 12 seconds long features in the hour-long TV investigation into his work. It captures Steele, then a 58-year-old veteran in Iraq, hesitating, looking uncomfortable when he spots a passing camera.

He draws back from the lens, watching warily out of the side of his eye and then pulls himself out of sight.(斯蒂爾，男人，仍然是一個謎。他離開伊拉克在2005年9月以來一直追求能源利益，加盟本集團德州石油商羅伯特莫斯巴赫爾的公司。到現在為止，他一直保持在那裡，他喜歡是 - 遠離媒體的聚光燈下。如果不是因為數以百萬計美國軍事原木布拉德利曼寧的洩露給維基解密，從而解除對涉嫌侵犯美國在伊拉克的蓋子，在那裡，他很可能依然存在。鏡頭和他的圖像是罕見的。一個視頻剪輯只需12秒長的特點，在長達一小時的電視調查他的工作。它抓住斯蒂爾，那麼一個58歲的老將在伊拉克，猶豫著，看著不舒服的時候，他發現一個通過攝像頭。

他退鏡頭，警惕地看著他的眼睛的一側，然後翻出自己的視線。)