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The new prime minister A talker or a walker? Despite sounding ebullient, Li Keqiang manages expectations downwards Mar 23rd 2013 | BEIJING |From the print edition · ·
Now roll up that sleeve AFTER the National People’s Congress made him prime minister on March 15th, Li Keqiang declared that “screaming yourself hoarse” was not as good as “rolling up your sleeves and getting to work”. This appeared to be an attempt by Mr Li to distance himself from his predecessor, Wen Jiabao, who stepped down after ten years in the job. Some critics inside the Communist Party call Mr Wen’s time in office China’s lost decade. He always talked about the need for bold change, including political reforms, but fell short in actions. It did not help that his wife and relatives appear to have accumulated assets worth billions of dollars during his time in power. In this section · A talker or a walker? Related topics · China · Politics Mr Li, who is 57, takes over an economy that has grown tremendously. But the problems which Mr Wen inherited have only got worse. They include official corruption; environmental damage; widening gaps between rich and poor, cities and countryside; and growth that is overly reliant on investment and credit flowing to state-owned enterprises. He also inherits an unwieldy political system that makes it hard to deal with these problems. The prime minister is just one of a collective of overstretched party leaders. Policy changes must overcome opposition from any number of vested interests, including local governments, state banks and rich, politically connected families. Unlike Mr Wen, Mr Li appears to be managing expectations downwards. “Sometimes,” he said at his inaugural press conference, “stirring vested interests may be more difficult than stirring the soul”. Mr Li has an advantage in coming to office with apparently little wealth. His wife, a respected academic, is reckoned to have no business dealings. In what some see as a jab at his predecessor (and, indeed, at much of the political establishment), Mr Li said that “clean government should start with oneself. Only if one is upright himself should he ask others to be upright.” After entering public service, “we should give up all thought of making money.” The son of a local party official in east-central Anhui province, Mr Li was sent to work in the countryside towards the end of the Cultural Revolution. He went on to earn a PhD in economics at Peking University, where he began his rise through the ranks of the Communist Youth League. He eventually led the league, as his patron, the outgoing president, Hu Jintao, had done. Caution coupled with hard work, much more than bold action, leads to promotion in the Communist Party. In 1998 Mr Li became governor of Henan province in central China, extending a cover-up of the government’s complicity in a provincial blood-buying scheme that infected tens if not hundreds of thousands of people with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Towards the end of his tenure in Henan, however, Mr Li called for more money for treating AIDS patients and schooling orphans. As vice-prime minister for the past five years, Mr Li helped expand rudimentary health insurance to hundreds of millions of rural dwellers. But the boldest reforms associated with Mr Li exist only on paper. Last year he gave his imprimatur to a radical report, by Chinese standards. “China 2030”, co-authored by the World Bank and a Chinese government think-tank, urges sweeping structural changes, including to state-owned enterprises and to an apartheid-like system of household registration that discriminates against country-born folk in favour of city residents. It is unclear how hard Mr Li will push for such changes now that he is at the apex of power. At his ebullient, if scripted, press conference, he stressed that actions speak more than style. Now he will have to prove it. · Recommended 2
A talker or a walker? Apr 1st 2013, 14:14
Li, the 7th prime minister after 1949, is the first that governs China with doctor degree as an award-winning scholar. The previous 6 were famous in the world, including Zhou En-lai (1949-1976), Hua Guo-feng (1976-1980), Zhao Zhi-yang (1980-1987), Li Peng (1988-1998), Zhu Rong-ji (1998-2003) and Wen Jia-bao (2003-2013). Zhou and Zhu owned global view as remarkable and powerful profile in world’s history. By contrast, Hua, Zhao and Li kept relative low-key style. Like the newly-chosen Li who owns background of economics, Zhu got the excellent grade of economic development, leading Chinese into WTO, the platform of world’s economy.
Basically, the candidate of prime minister depends on the utmost leader, usually party secretary, like the third-generation Jiang Ze-min and Zhu, who ensured the steady growth rather than the forth-one, Hu and Wen. Hu-Wen’s system and Xi Jin-ping with Li are compromise solution to politics remaining. On one hand, Hu loosened the organization facing more serious social unrest although China enjoyed annual 10% economic growth. On the other, Li Yuan-tsao who owns both origin, princeling party and Youth League (CCYL), was appointed as vice-president who can play the bridge or negotiator of both faction’s leader, Xi and Li whose respective biography are compiled by Dr. Yang Zong-mei.
In his very young, he followed Li Cheng, a master of Chinese literature, reciting Su Ma-qian’s Shiji, the history of Later Han, Zhau-min literature and so on. During Cultural Revolution when he was a teenager, Li worked near hometown, in the indigent farm of Feng Yang County where Zhu Yuan-zhang was born. He then enrolled in Peking University with the best score in entrance exam at the age of 23.
In 1983, he got near 640 scores in TOEFL preparing for Harvard but finally stayed in Beijing to get master degree, after finishing law education in college, from the essay of the restructuring and transformation of agri-industrialization from primitive to agri-technology. The essay and his relative research have been a solution to the elimination of indigent livings during the recent 2 decades. Meanwhile, he translated some English classics of law writings rather than previously Russian ones with his classmates, such as Baron Denning’s “The due process of law” since they studied in college, called the leader of “77’s guys” famous for productive research so far.
After graduating from college, in 1985, Li entered into central office of CCYL. Since then, he unveiled impact in politics, helping Li Peng and Deng Xiao-ping force Hu Yao-bang, Xi’s father’s boss or factional leader, to lose seat of party secretary on Jan. 1987 when student activities prevailed. It infers that Xi and Li cannot, sometimes, get enough of cooperation with each other.
Then, he worked as a local officer, mainly in Henan. He owned a good experience of elementary education, founding Chinese first “project-hope” primary school under Deng. According to Dr. Yang’s book, exile-in-America Fang Jeou, Li’s close college classmate and the politicking in 1980s, helped retort sayings of Li’s inability or no grade during 1990s. In late 1990s, Xi and Li were scheduled to get leadership in 2013 after Hu. Hu appointed Li as Liaoning’s party chief practicing Hu’s plan “Great Northern-east”, before the tenure of vice premier.
“Li has a long way to go.”, said Dr. Yang. The spirit of “bureaucracy, honesty and study” is that he remains all life. That’s why I work under Li for a decade. Li and Wang Yang never got stuck in communication with me after Chen Shui-bian stepped down in 2008. In fact, military general is inclined to listen to Li instead of Xi. In Asian post-war period, with my view to politics potential and cultivation, he is talked with none except for Zhou and Zhu as well as Japan’s Yasuhiro Nakasone with Koizumi Junichiro and India’s Javāharlāl Nehrū with Manmmohan Singh. Li will own a good grade in economic growth and global politics, when it comes to his cooperation writings with World Bank about predicting future economy.
In 1997, Li Peng supervised Tung Chee-hwa’s inauguration as the first Hong Kong’s chief and, in 1999, Zhu saw He Ho-hua’s swear an oath of allegiance in the opening ceremony of Macau. 8 years ago, Li was escorted as a special visitor in Japan’s Yumurai “The Occident and Orient military of cooks”, anchored by Miyaka Yuji, to introduce dumplings through my introspection in Taiwan. He also visited Taiwan and learnt the candidate rally activites with then President Chen due to my suggestion, knowing democracy than Ma Ying-jeou. I hope he steer China rising in the world with better administration in accordance with “May China live with America in Pacific Ocean” – said Hilary Clinton at last office day. He is neither talker with camera nor walker in bush, but a driver in hustle and bustle. In future, continue to pay attention with coffee and tea.
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除了對新任總理李克強作出前景預測外，經濟學者也很矚目反腐大將王歧山的動向： A corruption fighter Calling Fire Chief Wang Wang Qishan has one crucial advantage for fighting corruption Mar 23rd 2013 | BEIJING |From the print edition · · BOTH the new president, Xi Jinping, and the new prime minister, Li Keqiang, ask to be measured by how they rein in official corruption. They will rely heavily on a third man: Wang Qishan. Mr Wang, who is 64, now heads the Communist Party’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the body that grapples with corruption. More assured and outspoken than most leaders, he has been given the nickname “Fire Chief Wang” for the times he has been called upon to quell crises. When the SARS epidemic paralysed Beijing in 2003, Mr Wang replaced a feckless mayor who spent more time covering up the problem than solving it. Mr Wang also took top jobs in China’s banks during times of financial stress. Fighting corruption will be much tougher. It thrives in a system that shields officials and their offspring from scrutiny. Yet the new leaders face the widespread belief that corruption has become much worse in recent years. The ostentatious cars and exploits of leaders’ children elicit particular scorn. In this section · Calling Fire Chief Wang Mr Wang’s academic background is in history. With a historian’s mindset he has spoken about the unsustainable tensions created by a system that raises popular expectations but too heavily favours an entrenched elite. But exposing the rot at the top could lead ordinary people to think even worse of their leaders. It might also cause elites to turn on each other, with potentially destabilising consequences. Still, Mr Wang brings one positive attribute to his new job: he has no children himself.
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