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筆者在這篇原經濟學者雜誌評論文章下,看到有討論區和「Most Commented」很高興又能在上面貼文了。筆者選擇了最近有關台灣外交上的問題來評論。除了有表明筆者原則和建議的統獨方向,還有對於公共利益及國際政治規則方面作著力點。經濟學者雜誌的官方網頁有被作一番整頓,現在分作當期紙本內文「Section」,即分地區、商學、自然科學和文藝類照舊的,但沒有供貼文區,若要聊相關性請至臉書上留言,另一項是供網友討論聊天的「Blog」。以後一到兩個禮拜筆者會挑有興趣的文章來聊。 這篇是感於紀政和姚元潮的爭執和最近台灣對中國大陸的觀感變化而寫,同日寫的時候,美麗島電子報發佈新的住民歸屬感,或可指出統獨方向的民調,提及體制差異和經濟民生問題,希望當前蔡英文和民進黨不要走了偏執的路線而傷了台灣的民眾福祉。 The Economist explains Why are Taiwan’s friends vanishing? China is picking off Taiwan’s allies Jul 27th 2018 by S.D.
IF THE inauguration of a Paraguayan president next month draws international attention it will be because of one of its attendees: Tsai Ing-wen, the president of Taiwan. Paraguay is one of just 17 countries (plus the Vatican) that have diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In doing so they disqualify themselves from having formal relations with China, which considers the island nation a renegade province. They also subject themselves to intense pressure from the Chinese government to abandon Taiwan, in the form of both carrots (large investments) and sticks (tourism restrictions). So why do countries hold on, and how long can they last? Taiwan had 28 allies in 1990. But that number is declining. China has taken four of them—Burkina Faso, Dominican Republic, Panama and São Tomé and Príncipe—in the past two years alone. According to the Chinese government, it is impossible to have diplomatic relations with both countries because they are in fact only one country. Taiwan accuses China of using “dollar diplomacy” to poach allies. Shortly before the Dominican Republic switched allegiances earlier this year, China offered it investment and loans worth some $3.1 bn, says the Taiwanese government. Taiwan itself offers enticements too: Paraguay receives money and police vehicles from the island. Shared history also helps. Paraguay and Taiwan established relations in 1957, brought together by their anti-communism. The Chinese government has recently stepped up efforts to isolate Taiwan. Tensions rose in 2016, when Ms Tsai came to power. Her party is the more independence-minded of the island’s two main political groups. Since her inauguration the Chinese government has successfully bullied foreign airlines into listing Taiwan as “Taiwan, China” or “Chinese Taipei” on their websites. (American airlines quietly removed any reference to Taiwan on their websites even as the White House called the demands “Orwellian nonsense”.) Wimbledon, the tennis championships, sparked debate online when it tweeted that a tennis victor hailed from “Chinese Taipei”. China has also quietly instructed its travel agencies not to take groups of tourists to Taiwan or to its allied countries, including the Vatican and Palau. And in May it stopped Taiwanese politicians and journalists from taking part in the World Health Organisation’s annual meeting. The Global Times, a nationalist newspaper in Beijing, warned this spring that the mainland should prepare for a military conflict in the Taiwan Strait. China will not stop chipping away at Taiwan’s alliances. Wang Yi, China’s foreign minister, called this “the general and irresistible trend”. In Paraguay the president-elect, Mario Abdo Benítez, hopes to sign a trade agreement with China through Mercosur, a trade bloc. He has reportedly assured the Taiwanese government that Paraguay will stand with it. But many of Taiwan’s former friends promised not to defect before they did. Burkina Faso once called offers of money from China in exchange for switching loyalties “outrageous” but within two years it had changed its tune. China is raising the opportunity-cost of allying with Taiwan. It hopes that, if no other country recognises the island, that will make what it calls “reunification” easier. 這篇貼出的英國倫敦時間,應該是14:44:58。 Why are Taiwan’s friends vanishing? 39 mins ago
What Taiwan (T) lost the hosting right of the 2019 East Asian Youth Games proves another time the creaky cross-T Strait relations. Although the “One China Policy” dominates, Taichung mayor Lin Chia-lung appeals to EAOC to withdraw the repeal of hosting qualification. The rupture of consolidation between Chinese (CH’s) mainland (CM) and T is made by a scurrilous recreant ever being in “CH Taipei” ’s Committee’s cadre. Pity how sanctimonious I sounded these days regarding any matter of T’s “nationality”, whether KMT or DPP wins the incoming 2018 9-in-1 election and even 2020 Presidential (PR) Election.
T’s diplomacy (DI) is ostensibly independent of CH, and CH’s ruling Communist Party (CCP) never repudiates the accession to the national unity that refers to T matter as its largest core interest (INT). Any approach of CCP’s fanfare, reconnoiter and insinuation is demagogue’s vandalism by DPP and those who bears the T’s perpetual separatism from CH. During the last week, Tsai Ing-wen, T now President and DPP chairwoman due to a visit to the only South America’s DI ally Paraguay via Los Angeles and Houston, reprimanded then PR Ma Ying-jeou for its iniquity of T national ingression. Like her last visit to Eswatini, the destination of Tsai’s journey is only 1 state unlike her predecessor Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou who took tours via one more allied states each time. Given the poll by pro-DPP online media “My Formosa” shows the 46% high support of the negotiation under the prerequisite of “both sides of T Strait belonging to One CH”, Tsai who’d like to recuperate her effete prestige is essential to meet CH PR Xi Jing-ping like Ma ever doing.
The largest discrepancy of T’s diplomacy is how to pinpoint the island’s belongings between DPP, KMT and CCP. For both CH and T, the extent to which the mutual belief of global DI etiquettes depends on how great the advantage of immaculate cross-T Strait communication. In T the Nanjing-age “defunction” constitution still work that evinces the T’s derangement on the notion of legitimacy. DPP that yet abandoned its independent (IN) mind operates the mechanism of “ROC” politically decried as the historic ashes. Besides US’s pro-T articles ratified these months, the essence of T IN gets DPP and the stronger by its elimination of Chiang Kai-shek’s tyrant shadow.
More T ordinaries, turning to Sinophile, have willing to have a living and earning in CM where Xi supervised the “One Belt, One Road” cooperative framework. Indeed, T people (PE) therein crave for CM’s middle class’s uprisings involving stable reward, amorphous mass infrastructure like the impending 38,000km superhighway and Beijing Daxing airport, and exuberantly sundry amusement backed by the economic-oriented public sectors. On contrary, T economy stagnates since 2012 even if the T Weighed Index breaks the longest 5-digit record.
Undeniably, democracy (DEM), liberty and parity are the common values of the modern states. Yet the international politics always be pertinent to the finance and veneer. T long-time leaning towards the US-oriented INT politics ideas is a big cause of how T has confidence of autonomy, but the CH’s inducement of employment is prior to the ostensible DEM institution (INS). In fact, the bitter subsistence drives T PE CCP claim to stand on whose dignity to risk the INS’s disparity and the chronicle adaptation. In exchange for respective self-achievement, the reticence of political liberty is too compunctious to expose T’s governing DPP to the maladroit status. T’s spirits, or its amorous beauty, is based on the indigenous vitality, fettered by the political neither prejudice nor megalomania.
The notorious DPP in recent years is moreover accused to intervene in Cambodia’s (CA) interior affairs by donating the dismissed CNRP indicted to ally US to overthrow the CA’s government. Yet the CH’s investment is huge enough to support the CA’s development and the ruling PE’s Party. DPP in the name of universal value is unsavorily manipulate the foreigners that hardly succeeds in New Southbound Policy.
As Tsai’s disclosure of easing pique in AFP interview months ago, she may as well resolve the truculent manners to talk with Xi. Her duly magnanimous attitude towards CH assists T PE to opt for the low-risk prospect. Though DPP keeps valiant on the CM and CCP, she and DPP still hold pragmatism in valor and true patriotism chasing after the benevolence she once promised to cross-Strait Chinese. While she conducts the transitional justice mitigating the trauma T was scarred for life by during Chiang’s authoritarian rule, candor helps perspicacity of development with the extenuating circumstances. That is for Tsai, domestically Chen is necessarily exonerated and the integration of global society is oriented to the mutual role and morality. Yesterday Chi Cheng, an Olympic medalist in 1968, renounces the chosen words “culprit” when it comes to an argument with garrulous Yao over the appellation beforehand. 補充前東森新聞資深黨政記者,也是被筆者看作是現今陳立宏之後,政治評論員首席的黃暐瀚7月30日臉書文章,原載自ettoday黃暐瀚觀點: 過去兩週,暐瀚都在日本,跟大家報告,暐瀚已經回來了。 身在日本,但心在台灣,台灣的大小事,暐瀚一直都有在關心。 這篇我在兩個月前(5/23)就寫的文章,不幸「言中」了。面對現實,永遠是解決問題的第一個步驟,面對險峻的國際形勢,我們必須先「面對現實」。 暐瀚 2018-7-30 de 台北 (註:今天的節目有 1400-1600 中天大爆卦 1600-1800 年代向錢看 2200-2300 中天夜問打權 謝謝大家) ========== 別再「中華台北」? 公投門檻降低之後,年底九合一選舉時,將有「許多公投案」,要一起登場表決。 連署的門檻低了,過關的門檻也低,過去任何公投案都得超過930萬人領票投票,才有機會通過,現在只需要470萬人投下某個主張,公投就算過關。 過關的門檻降低了,過關的機會提高了,現在有人建議公投讓台灣以後參加奧運比賽,別叫「中華台北」,改叫「台灣」,你同不同意? 當然同意!誰會不同意? 我出國旅行,遇到他國旅人時也都說:「我來自台灣啊」!不會有人說:「我來自中華台北」吧?所以用「台灣隊」參加奧運,怎麼會不好?當然好啊!這種公投,投身體健康的,1124當天,肯定有百萬台灣人站出來,通通給他投下去。 然後投完,然後過關,然後,台灣的運動員們,可能就慘了。 1949年,兩岸分治,從1952年的「赫爾辛基奧運會」開始,中華民國與中華人民共和國在國際奧會上的「中國之爭」,就一直不休。 原本1948年之前,我們都用「中國」名稱出席奧運,但1956年開始,我們被迫改為「福爾摩沙 - 中國」(編碼:ROC),1960年羅馬奧運,我們變成「福爾摩沙」(編碼:ROC),之後1964、1968兩屆,我們再改用「臺灣」名稱出賽(編碼:TWN),之後1972、1976冬,我們又稱回「中華民國」(編碼:ROC),直到1981年,國際奧會主席薩馬蘭奇,做了一個重大的決定。 薩馬蘭奇想到一個方法,可以讓「中華民國-台灣」繼續參加奧運比賽,又不會碰觸到中華人民共和國所堅持的「一個中國」問題,那就是讓「奧運出賽單位」,不再以「國家」做單位,改用「代表團」,代表出賽。 於是,1981年3月23日,中華奧會主席沈家銘與國際奧會主席薩馬蘭奇,在瑞士洛桑簽下了協議,主要內容有三: 1、中華民國放棄使用「中國」或「中華民國」參加奧運,改用「中華台北 - TPE」。 於是,「中華民國」就此變成了「中華台北」,一用快要40年,直至今日。 這個洛桑協議雖然「限制了」我們自在稱呼自己的權利,但也同時保障了「台灣」出席國際賽事的資格。協議說得很清楚,「中華台北」一旦違反協議,台灣不排除將被停權或取消出賽資格,最後受傷的,還是天天努力練習的運動員們。 改叫「台灣」當然很好,但在舉辦這樣的公投之前,有沒有想清楚,公投之後的狀況? 萬一不通過還好,一旦通過了(470萬門檻其實不高,通過的機率非常高),按照公投法,政府是不是應該「依法」向國際奧會提出「改名」申請? 公投都還沒辦,國際奧會已經表示「不行」,未來真的送件,「中華台北」遭除會籍,只是預料中事。然後「中華台北」沒了,台灣再用「台灣隊」申請加入國際奧會?以目前的國際現實來看,我們重新「申請入會」?能辦得到嗎? 當八國聯軍攻入滿清朝廷的時候,我也相信,神功護體的「白蓮教徒」,是真的愛國殷切,是真的以為自己「刀槍不入」。 但想像自己可以是一回事,現實到底可不可以?又是另一回事,現實總是殘忍的。 眼前我們苦尋再次出席「WHA」而不可得,只因為我們不是「WHO」的會員。而明明台灣早已是「國際奧會」的一員,會籍叫做「中華台北」,放著這個會籍不想要,偏偏要去公投改名稱。 要提出改名真的不難,但提出之後的結果,大家真的想清楚了嗎? 暐瀚 2018-5-23 de 台北 以下摘自Yahoo 奇摩新聞: 「正名運動」紀政再發聲明 向姚元潮道歉今日新聞NOWnews
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前奧運國手紀政所支持的「2020東京奧運台灣正名公投」,引起中國不滿,導致台中東亞青年運動會主辦權遭拔,紀政今(1)日發出聲明稿再次表明自身立場,爾後暫不再受訪。 紀政聲明稿表示,支持「中華民國」或「台灣」正名,而支持「台灣」不等於主張台獨,最後,對當初向國際奧會投書的姚元潮是「告密」二字用字不當,表示抱歉。 【紀政的聲明稿2018.08.01】 「人不是活在解釋當中」,認識我的人,應該不會訝異從我口中說出這句話,因為這輩子我不知道說過幾次了! 這陣子,不論是媒體、網路、社群軟體等等,都有很多與我相關的訊息,我坦白說,我沒有那麼多時間去看,反倒是關心我的親朋好友個個像是熱鍋上的螞蟻,急著問我:「他們說……,你為什麼不解釋?」凡事解釋,不是我的人生態度,但是,最終我還是不敵親友勸說,透過這封信向各位說明這段時間我所得知「被錯誤傳遞或扭曲我意思的訊息」。我真的由衷希望,媒體可以公正報導,國人可以理性討論,政府可以重視民意,政黨可以停止惡鬥,世界各國可以基於公平正義而正視台灣所遭受到的各種不合理對待。或許你會說我天真,認為我在作夢,事實上,我對台灣還有期待,否則我不會選擇放棄在美國的一切回來台灣,我要跟各位說:這就是紀政! 【我不支持Chinese Taipei,但是TAIWAN或R.O.C我都可以接受】 【我支持以TAIWAN為名,絕不等於主張台獨】 【我並未主張國旗及國歌也要置換,我強調公投必須合法進行,政府及中華奧會也必須合法依程序向國際提出申請】 【某張舊照片上寫著我說自己是永遠的中國人,請務必了解當時「我的英文回應」】 【我支持公投,我沒有接受民進黨暗助,我也沒有任何的利益交換】 【當年的奧會模式不是我四處奔走爭取來的,Chinese Taipei也不是我選的】 【這項公投不是我擬定及發起的,我只是在今年初受邀擔任公投提案的領銜人】 我的愛國心從年輕到現在,從未改變,到現在我的背包上還是有繡著「中華民國」的國旗和台灣島形狀的各種吊飾。我必須要重申,我對於傳遞錯誤訊息、惡意扭曲我本意、胡亂揣測我意圖的人,我感到非常失望及痛心。因此,我決定在發出此聲明之後,不再接受任何媒體訪問及出席相關活動,期盼社會各界能夠回歸理性、根據事實、釐清真正原因,正視台灣所受到各種不合理的打壓行為,我不願意看到台灣人民互相責怪,面對國際劣勢,我們應該要團結才是。最後,非常謝謝各位的關心! 另外,針對各位對我或公投運動的相關質疑,我也表達如下。 1.媒體報導我指姚元潮先生告密,其實原意是想表達「告狀」。當接受媒體詢問有關是否認為姚元潮先生寫信去IOC告密時,我並未仔細斟酌文字使用,立刻呼應,因此造成媒體及輿論一直強調我指責姚先生告密,在此,我必須明白表示我對「告密」二字的使用不當,非常抱歉。 2.若政府願意透過中華奧會去向國際奧會提出申請,確實不需要採取公投方式,但是目前沒有這種跡象,因此,公投是民意展現的合法管道,也是不得已的選擇。 3.面對中國大陸的各種打壓,台中東亞青運只是其中之一,光是這段時間,就有國際各航空公司改名、巴黎同志運動會代表團名稱被迫修改、亞洲U19橄欖球賽主辦權差點被拔、台灣舞蹈團赴義大利演出的識別證國旗問題等等,已經無法細數,國人應該團結對外,而非相互內耗。 4.現今運動員只能用Chinese Taipei出賽,並非他們的選擇,我相信他們的國家在心中,我相信他們不會忘記他們來自哪裡。請勿將矛頭指向運動員,但也請勿利用運動員。公投在推動過程中,許多人希望我去找現役運動員,我堅決反對,因為我認為現役運動員應該要專心訓練和比賽。 更多 NOWnews 今日新聞報導 |
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