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.美國20240419日與尼日軍政府總理舉行會談後，美方表示將自尼日撤軍；這也代表美方將放棄在尼日的無人機基地，恐影響美國在非洲的反恐行動。

美軍將開始「有計畫且負責任地」從尼日撤軍，美國也將結束以尼日為基地的無人機情監偵任務，同時放棄在當地斥資1億美元建造的無人機基地。..

國際關係戰略觀察家分析認為美國,出賣盟法國 2022-2023.美國為要拉攏尼日軍方勢力,而將法國外籍軍團駐守尼日尼亞的軍事基地,防禦圖等軍事機密,出賣給俄羅斯瓦格納僱傭兵,2023 年法國軍隊戰敗撤出 尼日尼亞除此之外尼日尼訝023.年爆發軍事政變導致娛親俄羅斯的政黨支持 俄羅斯駐軍 尼日尼亞...

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.Is There Even Great Power Competition in the Sahel?

Rhetoric about a “new Cold War” or “Scramble for Africa” gives the erroneous impression that there is a collection of powers, usually Russia, the United States, and China, seeking the same things at each other’s expense. That is not the case. Advocates for a more robust U.S.-Africa policy too often ascribe more influence to Russia and more malevolence to China than either are due, especially in the Sahel.

 That is not to say that Russia is powerless or China benign, but the rhetoric removes the nuance in their approaches and reduces, and in some cases removes, African states’ agency on a great power chessboard.

Russia and China are very different actors in Africa. Russia’s economic clout on the continent is meager and focused on a few key partners.³⁹ Major Russian security projects are likewise few and have uncertain futures, like the proposed naval base in Port Sudan.⁴⁰ Where Russian security policy excels is in leveraging insecurity to strengthen its influence in Africa, such as the Wagner Group’s meddling in the ongoing clashes in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces.⁴¹ The Wagner Group’s actions in Sudan and Moscow’s provocative naval exercises with South Africa and China in February of this year reflect Russia’s revisionist and disruptive goals on the continent.⁴² In contrast, China has a much wider set of economic partners and successfully built a military base in Djibouti in 2017.

 AFRICOM assessed in March 2022 that the Chinese have aspirations to build a second naval base on Africa’s Atlantic coast. But unlike Russia, China’s primary interest in Africa is economic. Outside of arms sales, China is dragged kicking and screaming into security engagement in African affairs unless it protects Chinese economic interests. China’s peacekeeping mission to Sudan during the Darfur crisis and its naval mission countering piracy efforts in the Horn of Africa reflected Beijing’s investment in Sudanese oil and protecting international trade corridors. Even the Djibouti naval base has an economic angle, as Djibouti is a major conduit for goods between the Suez Canal and the Indian Ocean.

In West Africa, U.S. Military Struggles for Scarce Resources as Terrorism Threat Grows ?  

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US military operations across the Sahel at risk as Niger breaks off military cooperation

The United States scrambled on Sunday to assess the future of its counterterrorism operations in the Sahel after Niger’s junta said it was ending its yearslong military cooperation with Washington following a visit by top US officials.

.The US military has hundreds of troops stationed at a major airbase in northern Niger that deploys flights over the vast Sahel region — south of the Sahara Desert — where jihadi groups linked to al-Qaida and the Islamic State group operate.

Top US envoy Molly Phee returned to the capital, Niamey, this week to meet with senior government officials, accompanied by Marine Gen. Michael Langley, head of the US military’s African Command. She had previously visited in December, while acting Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland traveled to the country in August.

The State Department said Sunday in a post on X, formerly Twitter, that talks were frank and that it was in touch with the junta. It wasn’t clear whether the U.S. has any leeway left to negotiate a deal to stay in the country.

Niger had been seen as one of the last nations in the restive region that Western nations could partner with to beat back growing jihadi insurgencies. The US and France had more than 2,500 military personnel in the region until recently, and together with other European countries had invested hundreds of millions of dollars in military assistance and training.

“What’s going on in Niger and the Sahel cannot be looked at continuously in a vacuum as we always do,” she said. « The United States government tends to operate with blinders on. We can’t deny that our deteriorating relationships in other parts of the world: the Gulf, Israel and others, all have an influential impact on our bilateral relations in countries in West Africa.”

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