網路城邦
上一篇 回創作列表 下一篇  字體:
SELF-LIBERATION自我解放1
2010/06/08 12:32:17瀏覽517|回應0|推薦1
SELF-LIBERATION

自我解放


A Guide to strategic Planning for Action to


End a Dictatorship or other Oppression


終結獨裁政權或其他壓迫的行動戰略規劃指南1


Gene Sharp


吉恩‧夏普2


With the assistance of


Jamila Raqib


傑米拉‧拉奎伯


協助編撰


Albert Einstein Institution


愛因斯坦研究院





蔡丁貴 翻譯


林哲夫 審訂


台灣基督長老教會



2010年3月








Which way to liberation?

有哪ㄧ個方法可以達到解放?

Many people live in countries with governments that can be identified
as dictatorships, or less harshly, authoritarian regimes. Usually, most
of the people in those countries would like their oppressive regime to
be replaced by a more democratic and free political system. But, how
can this be achieved?

許多人生活在被視為獨裁政權的國家,或者稍微不那麼敵意
的說,極權政權的國家。通常,大部份生活在那些國家裡的人民會想要以較為民主與自由的政治體制來取代壓迫他們的政權。但是,要如何實現這樣的目標呢?

Dictatorships are not the only major type of oppression. Systems of
social and economic oppression also exist. When people want to end
oppression and achieve greater freedoms and more justice, is there a
way to do this realistically, effectively, self-reliantly, and by means
that will last?

獨裁政權並不是壓迫的唯一主要形式,社會與經濟上的壓迫
體系也是存在的。當人民想要終結壓迫並實現較大的自由與更多的公義時,是否有一個方法可以務實而有效而且能夠自力更生,並且有辦法持續到最後的呢?

Many people have sought answers to these questions and have worked hard
to achieve liberation. Many additional people have tried to assist the
oppressed people to end their subjection. However, none of us can claim
to have offered adequate answers. These challenges remain.

許多人已經尋找過這些問題的答案,並且努力去實現解放。
另外有些人也嘗試過幫助被壓迫的人民終結他們受到的鎮壓。不過,我們仍然沒有人能夠宣稱,可以提供適切的答案。這些挑戰一直都還存在。

In conflicts between a dictatorship, or other oppression, and a
dominated population, it is necessary for the populace to determine
whether they wish simply to condemn the oppression and protest against
the system. Or, do they wish actually to end the oppression, and
replace it with a system of greater freedom, democracy, and justice?

在獨裁政權或其他壓迫與大多數被統治人民之間的衝突,人
民必須決定是否他們只想單純地想要譴責壓迫與對體制表示抗議?或者,他們真的想要終結壓迫,並以一個較為自由、民主、與公義的體制來取代它?

Many good people have assumed that if they denounce the oppression
strongly enough, and protest long enough, the desired change will
somehow happen. That assumption is an error.

很多善心人士這麼假設,如果他們足夠強烈地指責壓迫者,
並且抗議的時間足夠長,人民期待的改變將以某種方式發生。那樣的假設是一種錯誤。

There are dangers in seeking a better solution. Not all offered answers
are equal. Some self-styled “revolutionaries,” despite their rhetoric,
distrust the oppressed population. These “revolutionaries” believe that
the system of domination can only be permanently removed if their own
group of “guardians” somehow gains control of the State apparatus, and
then uses its systems of administration and repression to remake the
society, whatever may be the wished of the supposedly “liberated”
population.

在尋求一個較好答案的過程中存在著危險,並非所有被提出
的答案都具有同樣的價值,有些人自稱是「革命家」,儘管他們憑藉雄辯,可是卻懷疑受壓迫的人們。這些「革命家」相信這個統治的體制能夠永久被驅逐,如果他們自己「守護者」的組織以某種方式獲得控制國家的機器,然後再用他們自己那一套管理和鎮壓系統,來重新打造理論上這個「被解放」人民所期待的社會。

These issues require new consideration.

這些議題需要新的思維.

The problem of how to remove dictatorships is generally addressed in
this writer’s From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework
for Liberation.

如何驅逐獨裁政權問題的大體討論收錄在本文作者之《從獨
裁到民主:一個解放的觀念架構》的著作中3。

However, this strategic planning guide has a more limited purpose. It
is intended only to assist people who wish themselves to plan a grand
strategy, or super plan, to achieve their liberation from oppression
and to build a more free and democratic system. Furthermore, this
document is not only relevant to people facing internal dictatorships.
It is also meant to be useful to people facing any kind of oppression.

不過,這本戰略規劃指南有一個更專注而小的目的,就是它
只企圖想要幫助那些希望從壓迫中去實現他們自我解放、以及建立一個更自由和民主的體制的人們,研擬一個總體大戰略,或者是一個超級的計劃。進一步說,這份文件不僅與面對國內獨裁政權的人們有關係,它對面對各種形式壓迫的人民也希望都是有幫助的。

This short document cannot include adequate in-depth presentations of
all the knowledge and ideas needed for strategic planning of a
nonviolent struggle for liberation.

這份簡短的指南並不能涵蓋對進行解放的非暴力抗爭戰略計
劃所需要的所有知識與理念做充足而深入的說明。

Therefore, interspersed in this text are references to selected
published readings covering those important topics. Careful study of
these selected readings in the sequence recommended is essential. They
contain much of the understandings, knowledge, and insights that may be
useful in the preparation of strategies of liberation.

因此,穿插出現在本文裡的參考資料是經過挑選而涵蓋那些
重要主題的出版文獻。按照建議的次序對這些精選文獻的仔細研討是必要的,它們包含很多對研擬解放之戰略計畫有用的理解、知識與深入觀點。

For definitions of strategic terms, read: The Politics of Nonviolent
Action, pp. 492-495; Waging Nonviolent Struggle, pp. 444-445 and
454-461; and The Politics of Nonviolent Action, pp. 504-510. Pages: 21.

戰略術語的定義,請閱讀《非暴力行動的政治》,第492
~495頁;《啟動非暴力抗爭》,第444~445頁,與第454~461頁;還有《非暴力行動的政治》,第504~510頁,共21頁。

NOTE: For publication information for these and all later citations,
see the “Readings” section at the end of this document. Publications
without a listed author are by Gene Sharp.

注意:這些刊物資訊和後續的引用,請詳閱這份文件最後的
《閱讀資料》章節,沒有註明作者的刊物都是吉恩‧夏普所著。
( 時事評論政治 )
回應 推薦文章 列印 加入我的文摘
上一篇 回創作列表 下一篇

引用
引用網址:https://classic-blog.udn.com/article/trackback.jsp?uid=2251786&aid=4108137