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2022/04/17 00:09:07瀏覽776|回應0|推薦12 | |
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孫子曰:兵者,國之大事,死生之地,存亡之道,不可不察也.
.中國歷代歷朝經過無數次的戰爭,知曉戰爭的利弊得失,
故不輕言捲入戰爭,無論是境內或是境外的戰爭,
兵者,詭道也。故能而示之不能,用而示之不用,近而示之遠,遠而示之近.
.夫未戰而廟算勝者,得算多也,
未戰而廟算不勝者,得算少也。
多算勝,少算不勝,而況於無算乎?
吾以此觀之,勝負見矣。
如今由此看來俄羅斯與美國捲入烏克蘭的戰爭,他們的利弊得失在中國的立場觀察者而言,都是輸家,正如作者HB寫出
“小型戰爭通常預示著大型戰爭的到來。
俄烏衝突顯示出,想要讓‘民主軍火庫’順利完成任務,需要付出何種代價。”作者HB在文章結尾處這樣寫道。
至於HB.是否研究.The Art of War.他是約翰斯·霍普金斯大學高級國際研究學院“亨利·基辛格全球事務中心”教授。既然他是HENRY KISSINGER.的門徒,自然而然受到中國文化的薰陶?
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俄羅斯為要特別教訓烏克蘭,勢所難免要付出相當的代價,而美國為要伸張民主機制,扮演世界老大,維護霸主的地位,同樣也就是說要付學費喇.
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.J 烏克蘭.戰場雙方各式各樣的武器彈藥軍火消耗量極度龐大彷彿是無底洞?.
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.美國彭博社專欄作家Hal Brands發表了一篇評論文章,題為
《烏克蘭戰爭正在耗盡美國的“民主軍火庫”》,從分析近期俄烏衝突,進而延展至未來中美俄三國之間可能存在的軍事發展態勢。
文章首先指出,美國目前在烏克蘭問題上奉行類似“民主軍火庫”的戰略,即避免直接干預俄羅斯的“特別軍事行動”,而是與盟友和夥伴合作,向烏克蘭政府提供資金和武器援助。然而,隨著這場衝突進入關鍵階段,俄軍鞏固了烏東地區的控制,“‘民主軍火庫’”正在枯竭。.
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作者還認為,這種局面不僅可能導致烏軍在這場衝突中出現“致命的(資金和武器)短缺情況”,而且俄烏衝突還是一場“預演”,暴露出了美國“軍火庫不足”的弱點,這些弱點可能會在未來(美國與中國或俄羅斯)發生大國衝突中顯現。
文章作者布蘭茨,是美國企業研究所(AEI)學者,同時也是約翰斯·霍普金斯大學高級國際研究學院“亨利·基辛格全球事務中心”教授。
對於有關“民主軍火庫”的說法,他在文章開篇就作了闡釋,並指出,這一戰略讓人想起二戰期間(1940年至1941年)美國對英國的支持,當時對戰局產生了奇效。
在美國及其盟友向烏克蘭提供的所有支持援助中,武器是最重要的一部分。雖然俄羅斯已重創了烏克蘭的工業基礎,但隨著無人機、反坦克和防空武器、彈藥以及其他武器的交付,美西方國家也幫助烏克蘭向俄軍發起了反擊。
自從20220224.俄羅斯與烏克蘭戰爭啟動美國始終援助烏克蘭大量敵軍火武器甚至於派遣特種部隊滲透協助烏克蘭阿兵哥打仗. 美國總統拜登宣布將再向烏克蘭提供價值8億美元的額外軍事援助,其中包括直升機、裝甲運兵車及美國首次提供的155毫米榴彈炮。自俄烏衝突爆發以來,美國承諾對烏克蘭軍事援助總額已超過25億美元。 . . . 美國雖然無限制的印刷鈔票,支付軍火商,加速生產各式各樣軍火武器,供應烏克蘭戰場所需,也就是說肥肉給予軍火販子,讓大家發戰爭財,反正死亡的就是烏克蘭的阿兵哥,美國頂多犧牲掉極少數的僱傭兵而已. 可是事實上,烏克蘭的戰局變化莫測,就連俄羅斯的戰鬥民族,都無法完全掌握,而不得不重新評估戰局與重新制定戰術,再度回到戰場繼續戰鬥,美國則將支持烏克蘭武裝力量在境內進行低強度的抵抗即可。而事實卻是,烏克蘭方面激烈抵抗,導致這場衝突已變得高強度且曠日持久,消耗了大量彈藥和關鍵軍事資產。
美國五角大樓官員稱,基輔每天都在消耗相當於“一周時間才能輸送的反坦克彈藥”。由於俄軍的空襲和戰鬥耗損,基輔還缺少可用的戰機。
在馬里烏波爾和其他地區,彈藥已經變得稀缺,烏克蘭的海軍陸戰隊,缺乏武器,彈藥,糧食及飲用水,才向俄羅斯軍隊投降,至於傳聞有歐洲白人僱傭兵盜賣軍火圖利?
與倒頭轉售軍火給予烏克蘭東部地區親俄勢力的民兵圖利美國現在沒辦法查證可見烏克蘭戰爭的武器消耗極大是個無底洞?
作者HB評論又將話題延展至了中,美,俄這三大國未來的軍事發展態勢,並設想了未來可能發生的大國軍事衝突。如果爆發第3次世界大戰,按照同樣的分析邏輯,當前俄烏衝突對於美國而言是一場“使人清醒的預演”,能反映出美國自身在和中國或俄羅斯發生潛在衝突時可能面臨的問題。如果被迫在東歐或西太平洋發生戰事,美國將在幾天或幾周內耗盡導彈庫存,精確制導彈藥和其他關鍵資源,還可能遭受坦克,飛機,船艦等高精尖裝備的嚴重損失,屆時美國必須面對中國及俄羅斯兩頭開戰能夠支撐多久的武器消耗? 可想而知..........................大炮一響黃金萬兩,美國要同時開戰?
對抗俄羅斯與中國? 請問武器彈藥軍火夠用?...
. .. . . . .Ukraine War Is Depleting America’s Arsenal of Democracy Western allies face a choice: Send more weapons to Kyiv or save their stockpiles for their own defense. America is following an “arsenal of democracy” strategy in Ukraine: It has avoided direct intervention against the Russian invaders, while working with allies and partners to provide the Kyiv government with money and guns. That strategy, reminiscent of U.S. support for Britain in 1940-41, has worked wonders. Yet as the war reaches a critical stage, with the Russians preparing to consolidate their grip on eastern Ukraine, the arsenal of democracy is being depleted. That could cause a fatal shortfall for Ukrainian forces in this conflict, and it is revealing American weaknesses that could be laid bare in the next great-power fight. Of all the support the U.S. and its friends have provided Ukraine, arms have mattered the most. Deliveries of drones, antitank and anti-aircraft weapons, ammunition and other capabilities have helped Ukraine wreak havoc on Russian forces even as Moscow has pummeled the country’s industrial base. General Mark Milley, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, told Congress that the West has delivered 60,000 antitank weapons and 25,000 anti-aircraft weapons to Kyiv. The Pentagon is now laying plans to rush additional artillery, coastal defense drones and other materiel to Ukraine. The White House on Wednesday announced a new $800 million package including helicopters and armored personnel carriers. But President Joe Biden never planned for a war like this. The assumption was that Russia would quickly conquer much of the country, so the U.S. would be supporting a simmering, low-intensity Ukrainian insurgency. Instead, Ukraine’s successful resistance has led to an ongoing, high-intensity conventional fight, with prodigious consumption of munitions and intense attrition of key military assets. . Pentagon officials say that Kyiv is blowing through a week’s worth of deliveries of antitank munitions every day. It is also running short of usable aircraft as Russian airstrikes and combat losses take their toll. Ammunition has become scarce in Mariupol and other areas. This is presenting Western countries with a stark choice between pouring more supplies into Ukraine or husbanding finite capabilities they may need for their own defense. Germany has declined to transfer tanks to Ukraine on grounds that it simply cannot spare them. Canada quickly ran short on rocket launchers and other equipment that the Ukrainians desperately need. The U.S. has provided one-third of its overall stockpile of Javelin anti-tank missiles. It cannot easily deliver more without leaving its own armories badly depleted — and it may take months or years to significantly ramp up production. Before the U.S. entered World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt and his military advisers engaged in intense debates about whether the U.S. should rush weapons to a beleaguered Britain or hang onto them in case America had to defend itself. Biden’s arsenal-of-democracy strategy is reaching a similar inflection point in Ukraine. . Kyiv will require far more Western support to beat back Russian forces gathering in the east, where relatively open terrain is less favorable to the defense. It will also need more sophisticated weapons, such as tanks and aircraft, to deny Russia a decisive advantage — and perhaps take the offensive if Moscow’s eastern offensive falters. Stout Ukrainian resistance has given Kyiv a reasonable chance of winning this war, but the cost of any victory, in equipment no less than lives, will be astounding. For the same reason, the war in Ukraine is a sobering preview of the problems the U.S. itself would face in a conflict against Russia or China. If forced to go to war in Eastern Europe or the Western Pacific, Washington would spend down its stockpiles of missiles, precision-guided munitions and other critical capabilities in days or weeks. It would probably suffer severe losses of tanks, planes, ships and other assets that are sophisticated, costly and hard to replace. During World War I, the offensives of 1914 led to “shell famine” as the European combatants exhausted their arsenals. Get ready for “missile famine” if there is a great-power war. In the world wars of the last century, America’s unmatched manufacturing base ultimately powered it to victory. But today, replenishing the free world’s arsenal might not be so easy. American economic leadership is no longer based primarily on manufacturing. Shortages of machine tools, skilled labor and spare production capacity could slow a wartime rearmament effort. The U.S. can’t quickly scale up production of Stinger missiles for Ukraine, for example, because the workforce needed to do so no longer exists. American stockpiles of key weapons are smaller than one might imagine, partly because of production constraints and partly because most of the Pentagon’s roughly $750 billion budget goes to manpower, health care and things other than bullets and bombs. . The problem isn’t insoluble. Greater investments in the defense industrial base and more aggressive purchasing and stockpiling of key munitions can help. The creation of a reserve industrial corps (civilians who have basic peacetime training so they can contribute to wartime production) is worth exploring. Key allies, such as Japan, may be able to help the U.S. surge production in shipbuilding and other areas. Small wars typically preview what is to come in bigger wars. The Ukraine conflict is showing what it will take to keep the arsenal of democracy equal to the task. Hal Brands is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist, the Henry Kissinger Distinguished Professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, and a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Most recently, he is the author of "The Twilight Struggle: What the Cold War Teaches Us About Great-Power Rivalry Today." |
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