."Storming of the Camp at Gädän-Ola" a scroll depicting a raid in 1755 in which the Kalmuk Ayusi, having gone to the Chinese side, attacks Dawa achis camp on Mount Gadan.

準噶爾之役^]或稱準噶爾役，是17世紀至18世紀時厄魯特蒙古準噶爾部與清朝之間的戰爭。清代文獻又稱之為平定準噶爾（滿語：ᠵᡠᠨ ᡤᠠᡵ
ᠪᡝ
ᠨᡝᠴᡳᡥᡳᠶᡝᠮᡝ
ᡨᠣᡴᡨᠣᠪᡠᠮᠪᡳ，穆麟德：jun gar be necihiyeme toktobumbi）或平定準部。戰爭始於康熙二十七年（1688年）準噶爾首領噶爾丹入侵喀爾喀蒙古，並乘勝進兵至內蒙古；至乾隆二十年（1755年）清軍進兵伊犁（今新疆伊犁州霍城縣），俘獲准噶爾首領達瓦齊，以「準噶爾汗國」滅亡而告終。達瓦齊被俘後，時任定邊左副將軍的輝特部台吉阿睦爾撒納（非準噶爾人）起兵反叛，天山北路再次陷入動亂。乾隆二十三年（1758年）初，逃亡的阿睦爾撒納病死於俄羅斯，俄國請清使驗看屍首，「準噶爾之事，於是大定」。次年，清軍剿滅叛軍殘部並平定回部大小和卓之亂，西域全境底定，西北邊患暫告終結。平定阿睦爾撒納之後，清代蒙古未再發生大的變亂，直至1911年辛亥革命後的外蒙古獨立。

準噶爾之役歷康熙、雍正、乾隆三朝，前後長達七十年。乾隆皇帝平定準噶爾後，「拓地二萬餘里」^[6]，西域天山南北盡入版圖。原準噶爾領地被稱作準，與天山以南的回部合稱西域新疆，源自"舊疆新歸"，後簡稱新疆（滿語：ᡳᠴᡝ
ᠵᡝᠴᡝᠨ，穆麟德：ice jecen）。準噶爾之役是乾隆皇帝「十全武功」之首。

The Dzungar–Qing Wars (Mongolian: Зүүнгар-Чин улсын дайн, simplified Chinese: 准噶尔之役; traditional Chinese: 準噶爾之役; pinyin: Zhǔngáěr zhī Yì) were a decades-long series of conflicts that pitted the Dzungar Khanate against the Qing dynasty of China and their Mongolian vassals. Fighting took place over a wide swath of Inner Asia, from present-day central and eastern Mongolia to Tibet, Qinghai, and Xinjiang regions of present-day China. Qing victories ultimately led to the incorporation of Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang into the Qing Empire that was to last until the fall of the dynasty in 1911–1912, and the genocide of much of the Dzungar population in conquered areas.

中國西征：大清征服中央歐亞與蒙古帝國的最後輓歌

China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia..

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本書的作者強調,書中的記載有憑有據,經得起檢驗與應證,由此觀之21世紀中國強勢崛起,引起西方國家的歷史學者的重新注意,他們在歷史的長河中找尋一個強大的大清王朝,是如何崛起又是如何衰敗的,歷史的輪迴彷彿永遠一樣,無論是什麼時代,總會有些留下來給予後代子孫思念與緬懷,他們祖先的功與過.

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中國新的西征,已經藉由一帶一路正式展開,駱駝一步一腳印,順者絲路的路線向前邁進,雖然緩慢,但是實際,歷史終將驗證21世紀是中國人的世紀,中華民族必然再度復興,完成中國人的中國夢,中國一路向西向西發展,不是藉者槍炮武器打打殺殺,那是西方國家的玩意兒,中國人將憑藉有福同享,共同發財的理念,進行所謂的西征,開拓一帶一路帶來的無盡的財富繁榮與安定,西方國家尤其是美國M,過中國西征的列車將永遠,失去財富,最終淪落與淪亡成為3流國家,向中國伏首稱臣而已

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.Historian contrasts early Chinese empire with current challenges.

A new book by MIT historian Peter Perdue shows how the Qing empire of China conquered and controlled Central Asia during the 18th century, shedding light not only on the intricate machinery of empire-building 300 years ago, but also on the challenges facing modern-day Beijing as unrest and regional inequities recur.

Perdue, who is the T.T. and Wei Fong Chao Professor of Asian Civilizations, began working on "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia" more than 20 years ago. Published by Harvard University Press earlier this year, Perdues book was named an Outstanding New Book by Foreign Affairs in the spring.Foreign Affairs reviewer Lucien Pye described "China Marches West" as a "major work" that effectively challenges the conventional casting of Central Asia as a crossroads of European powers and rejects a linear view of history.Perdue opens his book in a way that dispenses with Eurocentrism and the "railroad track" view altogether. He focuses with cinematic clarity on three great powers--the Manchu Qing, the Muscovite Russians and the Mongolian Zunghars--who fought for control of Eurasia from the 17th to the mid-18th century."By the end of this epic confrontation, an early version of the Great game, only two empires were left standing. The Qing and Russians faced each other along an extended border … This binary division of Eurasia lasted until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991," he writes.

In "China Marches West," Perdue explores how the Qing were able to dominate Central Asia for so long. He shows how the Qing faced problems similar to other colonial empires, employing both repression and investment to control their vast, multicultural, multi-climatic realm.

Modern Beijing confronts problems similar to the Qings with similar tools. The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) has an ambitious project under way to "develop the west" so the interior and coastal regions gain economic balance. The PRC has also labeled independence movements, such as East Turkestans, as terrorist organizations. As Perdue notes in his preface, the "imperial legacy of conquest still hangs heavy over the future of the Chinese nation-state."

Perdue, 55, began work on "China Marches" when he was in Beijing completing his first book, "Exhausting the Earth: State and Peasant in Hunan, 1500-1850 A.D." Hunan is the birthplace of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, who founded the Peoples Republic in 1949 and ruled absolutely until his death in 1976.

"After normalization in 1979, I had access to very rich archival material in Beijing. I discovered precise records on military supplies, such as grain, during the Qing period. There were also wonderful documents in the Russian archives--literally transcribed conversations between Mongolian and Russian officials in which they passed along political news about China. This was exciting. I quickly saw I could do a survey or dig in and get the whole story," Perdue said.

The "whole story" is a 750-page volume that illustrates the Qing imperial saga with photographs from the 1920s and fine-arts quality reproductions of individual rulers portraits, armies setting out from palaces and scenes of thronged victory banquets.

The text sustains the cinematic approach of Perdues opening scene, bringing to life intricate military campaigns, religious conflicts and the role of medicine (the Qing developed inoculations against smallpox) and science.

The book is full of maps, and Perdue uses them to show how science and technology were used for imperial purposes. In the chapter titled "Moving Through the Land," Perdue discusses the Qings political use of surveying and "scientific cartography," brought to China by the Jesuits in the early 1700s.

A "radically simplified map of the northwest frontier shows only blank space beyond the Great Wall … the most troublesome area of conflict between the empire and Mongolian tribes … The atlas gives no hint that diverse peoples moved through the space it depicts, or that there were contested claims to the area," Perdue writes.

Later, he notes that the "imperial gaze" approach was common to the Qing maps of Central Asia and the British maps of India."The message of cartography was that this is an imperial space to be governed by us. Both the Manchu and British conquerors shared the drive to create a comprehensive, abstracted vision of an imperial realm … even though it did not fit the features of the local terrain," Perdue writes.Mapmaking--marking space--also "marked time by constructing public boundaries between the present and the past," Perdue notes, referring to the way history is "produced" by political interests.

Sections on state formation, the economic basis of empire, fixing frontiers and the legacies of the Qing provide structure and narrative to the book.In the final section, Perdue moves his topic into the present with chapters on "Geopolitics and Emperor Worship," "Empires, Nations and Peoples" and "Rethinking the Qing in the World."

Noting that his book "demonstrates the continuity between empire and nation," Perdue outlines in his conclusion the long shadow cast by the Qing on contemporary Chinese politics and international relations.The rise and fall of the Qing empire "may offer some guidance to Chinese interested in negotiating a new identity for their nation in the twenty-first century," he writes. .

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為何十八世紀準噶爾帝國滅亡，
會讓新疆、蒙古與西藏成為「中國」的一部分？
新清史宗師破解民族主義的經典之作．全球唯一中譯本

★大清盛世的輝煌篇章，卻是大草原游牧史上最黑暗的一頁
今天的中國版圖，其實是清帝國在1600-1800年間向西擴張的產物。

中國西征，征服了「中央歐亞」也就是歐亞大陸的中心地帶，將現今的新疆與蒙古納入版圖，且牢牢控制西藏。乾隆皇帝誇耀大清盛世的「十全武功」，泰半都是這場西征的成果。
然而，清帝國西征並非是進入一塊無人地帶，而是摧毀了當地另一個帝國：準噶爾蒙古汗國。大清透過一系列野心勃勃的外交策略、軍事行動與經貿進逼，準噶爾帝國曾經存在過的痕跡幾乎遭到連根拔除。
「中國西征」雖然開啟大清歷史的偉大篇章，奠定中國版圖的疆界基礎，卻也終結最後的草原游牧帝國，終結數百年來的無邊界時代，更埋下日後宗教與種族衝突的種子。

（Lucian Pye）｜《外交事務》雜誌，美國麻省理工學院教授：
「濮德培這部重要著作，挑戰了過去史家過度側重中國與西歐列強鬥爭的做法，認為更重要的歷史事件是大清帝國、準噶爾蒙古與俄羅斯帝國對中亞統治權的爭奪。本書追溯大清如何崛起，如何建立對西藏、新疆與內蒙古的統治宣稱並延續至今：透過軍事征服與鎮壓，貿易政策、經濟發展與高效管理。濮德培拒絕屈服於陳舊的傳統思維，成功賦予這一議題新生。」

（Laura Newby）｜荷蘭萊頓大學教授：
「濮德培為了解釋大清如何征服中央歐亞，對超過百年的邊疆關係、軍事戰役、後勤與外交戰略進行研究。他以乾隆皇帝作為引子，從大清王朝的故事開始講起。但是，濮德培又不厭其煩地表明，這本書不只是大清帝國的故事，而是大清、俄羅斯與準噶爾蒙古這三個偉大帝國在十七、十八世紀的歐亞大陸中心爭權奪利的故事。濮德培巧妙地從大量各國一手史料中開闢了一條新的路徑，藉此回應了中國近代史學界許多重要課題：民族與國家認同、邊疆管理，以及中國在世界史上的地位。」

葛兆光｜上海復旦大學文科資深教授：
「這是一部了不起的巨著。在全球新舊帝國交錯的十八世紀，滿清如何向西拓展？如何與俄羅斯、準噶爾爭奪中亞控制權？中亞及周邊的國家變遷、邊境重構與族群認同趨勢如何？這不僅是形成現代中國的重要關鍵，也是理解近代歐洲與亞洲不同歷史進程的絕佳事例。過去中文學界也許習慣視之為中國開拓國家領土的歷史，但當濮德培教授利用多種語文文獻，站在不同角度描述這一過程的時候，他超越了僅僅從清王朝或中國立場觀看的局限。

The fall of Dzungars and the state building, geopolitics of steppe..

.Battle of Yesil Kol Nor - September 1759.

記錄準噶爾部眾向清軍投降的《平定準噶爾圖》

From the seventeenth to the mid-eighteenth century, three great empires — Manchu Qing (1644–1911), the Muscovite – Russian (1613–1917), and the Mongolian Zunghars (1671–1760) — contended for power in the heart of Eurasia. The distances were vast, communications slow, military campaigns extended and costly, and cultural alienation was huge. By the end of this epic confrontation, an early version of the Great Game, only two empires were left standing. The Qing and Russians faced each other along an extended border. They had become two of the largest empires in world history. The Zunghars had vanished. Despite nineteenth-century upheavals, this binary division of Eurasia lasted until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This book examines the division of the continent between the two empires, emphasizing the Qing empire’s conquest of Mongolia and Xinjiang.

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.CHINA OBOR DEVELOPMENT PLAN SO GREAT..

近幾年隨著中國在新疆實施的「再教育營」逐漸被揭露，世人開始關注維吾爾人及這個區域的狀況，美國新清史學者(Peter C. Perdue)著名的作品《中國西征》，也算躬逢其時。因為這部作品的主題是大清帝國對於新疆、蒙古與西藏等「邊疆地區」的最終征服，探討其運用了何種手段去達成，以及產生的影響與作用。而這個歷史事件，正是現代的兩個中國政權：中華民國與中華人民共和國對於這些地區領土宣稱，因為它們幾乎繼承了大清帝國的所有疆域。如果這場征服不曾發生，就不會有這些結果，而作者在本書的結論中認為，這在漫長的中國史上是一個偶然，是滿州朝廷的特殊性才導致的成就，而非「傳統的大一統」，換言之，PP並不認為那些被清朝納入版圖的新征服地區是所謂的「自古以來神聖不可分割的疆域」,

隨者時間巨輪的腳步前進21世紀,中國強勢崛起成為世界性第二大經濟體,其整體國力急速上升與美國並駕齊驅,中國在2015年推動一太帶一路OBOR.DEVELOPMENT *& INVESTMENT PLAN.,恰如其分的再宣示新疆,蒙古與西藏將再度與國際接軌,藉由一帶一路的投資開發,上述地區將成為中國邊境各省份最富庶的地方,尤其是新疆省她將迎接未來300年來的繁榮與安定,一帶一路眾多重要的基礎建設工程都與新疆省有直接的關係,從一帶一路的發展路線圖得知新疆省的首府烏魯木齊,URUUMGI.就是其中重要的轉運站於集散地她具有歷史上不可磨滅的戰略地位在,中國西征：大清征服中央歐亞與蒙古帝國的最後輓歌,一書記載她有可歌可泣的戰爭史蹟,敘述大清王朝如何征服新疆的準葛爾朋盆地及大小金川的戰役,至於香香公主與乾隆大帝的愛清情風流韻事,只不過是點綴而已,後代的子子孫孫就是被中華文化所薰陶及管制直到永遠.

China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia..

China is willing to include Afghanistan to extend OBOR. The extension plan may involve the expansion of the CPEC to neighboring Afghanistan through a road linking Pakistan’s Peshawar to Kabul and to Kunduz and then into Central Asia.

Kabul can’t depend solely on the Chinese government’s development projects.  It should develop a policy to attract private sector investments. Its government needs to take measures to develop its industrial base that could easily integrate.

Integrating Afghanistan into the Belt and Road Initiative Review, Analysis and Prospects.

.中國即將協助阿富汗展開重建工程一帶一路,計劃開通由中國浙江省寧波,

到阿富汗HAIRATAN.直接連接鐵路再西進到伊朗至歐洲.

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.China marches West is markedly divided in two parts, so different that we can consider the work a split of two books. The first one is linked to the title, concerning campaigns that led the Qing Dynasty (1644 – 1912) to Central Asia, with a particular eye to the clash of Chinese armies against the nomad people of Dzungars, nowadays there is a region of Xinjiang with this name: the Dzungaria. Perdue tells the facts with utmost accuracy, but not being pedantic about it. However the reader could have the feeling to be overwhelmed from the “speed of events”, needing to read again some previous page to refresh the name of a commander or the place of a battle.

The ability of Perdue is to narrate with a charming almost epic writing, chapter after chapter we become relative to Chinese Emperors and Mongols Khans, ruled by a fast pace taking us to the tragic ending: the fall of Dzungars. Here the author’s opinions don’t appear and he is a humble reporter which makes room to history. Great value of Perdue is to handle each situation remembering that in the middle of events are people doing, struggling and dying. One of the highlights of the book is the human side, due to the Perdue’s historiographic categories as well, absolutely far from a purely chronological exposition.