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拜登老狗玩不出新把戲扔然玩弄台灣牌Interim National Security Strategic Guidance
2021/03/04 13:35:35瀏覽543|回應0|推薦11

國際戰略觀察家認為美國總統拜登所提出的INSSG.是新瓶裝舊酒,無法對抗中國,僅有再度施打台灣牌救急.,國總統拜登發布任內第一份國家安全戰略指南。美國將支持台灣這個主要的民主政體、關鍵的經濟與安全夥伴,這符合美國長期承諾。

 

美國將與其他國家共同制定新的全球規範和協議,促進利益並反映價值觀。透過支持和捍衛無與倫比的盟友與合作夥伴網絡,

並進行明智的國防投資,將能阻止中國的侵略,和對集體安全、繁榮與民主的威脅。

We must also contend with the reality that the distribution of power across the world is
IN FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL SECURITY,JUST AS IN DOMESTIC POLICY, WE HAVE TO CHART A NEW COURSE.
INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

changing, creating new threats. China, in particular, has rapidly become more assertive.

It is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military,
and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and open international
system. Russia remains determined to enhance its global influence and play a disruptive
role on the world stage. Both Beijing and Moscow have invested heavily in efforts meant to
check U.S. strengths and prevent us from defending our interests and allies around the world.
Regional actors like Iran and North Korea continue to pursue game-changing capabilities and
technologies, while threatening U.S. allies and partners and challenging regional stability.
We also face challenges within countries whose governance is fragile, and from influential
non-state actors that have the ability to disrupt American interests. Terrorism and violent
extremism, both domestic and international, remain significant threats. But, despite these
steep challenges, the United States’ enduring advantages—across all forms and dimensions of
our power—enable us to shape the future of international politics to advance our interests and
values, and create a freer, safer, and more prosperous world.

 

 

拜登老狗玩不出新把戲,扔然玩弄台灣牌,拜登才上任即刻丟出對抗中國的策略,但是扔然無效,只有再度利用台灣牌,來掩飾美國自身的脆弱與不足,國際觀察家分析認為,美國在沒有找出平衡中國與美國貿易等重大議題解決方案之前,扔然要玩弄台灣牌,求得自己的國家利益,由此看來台灣又將面臨開放進口更多的美國商品也包括廢棄物,台灣視必再度被美國壓詐,損失納稅人辛苦的血汗錢.

INSSG.只供參考


Today, more than ever, America’s fate is inextricably linked to events beyond our shores. We confront a global pandemic, a crushing economic downturn, a crisis of racial justice, and a deepening climate emergency. We face a world of rising nationalism, receding democracy, growing rivalry with China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, and a technological revolution that is reshaping every aspect of our lives. Ours is a time of unprecedented challenges, but also unmatched opportunity.

指南明確指出,美方將支持台灣這個主要的民主政體、關鍵的經濟與安全夥伴,這符合美國長期承諾。美國也將確保美國企業在中國開展業務時不需犧牲美國價值觀。美國並將捍衛民主、人權與人類尊嚴,包括香港、新疆與西藏。在這些議題上,美國將致力於與理念相近國家達成共識。

指南表示,當中國政府的行為直接威脅利益與價值觀時,將回應北京的挑戰。對於不公平與非法的貿易行為、網路竊取與脅迫傷害美國勞工的經濟行為、削弱先進與新興技術,以及試圖侵害美國戰略優勢與國家競爭力,美國將直面對抗。

 

Interim National Security Strategic Guidance .March 03, 2021 •    

Today, the Administration released the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance, attached.
 
This interim guidance has been issued to convey President Biden’s vision for how America will engage with the world, and to provide guidance for departments and agencies to align their actions as the Administration begins work on a National Security Strategy.

 

拜登與布林肯唱雙簧玩弄台灣牌壓制中國

Blinken, Biden outline global strategy with China as key focus .

“China is the only country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system — all the rules, values, and relationships that make the world work the way we want it to,” Blinken said in the speech, delivered at the State Department.

Most of Blinken’s speech consisted of pledges he and Biden made repeatedly during the 2020 presidential campaign and since Biden won November’s election. But taken as a whole, the speech underscored how much the national security discussion in Washington is shifting away focusing on threats like terrorism and more on competition with “great powers” such as China.

 

美國白宮再也無法號令天下莫敢不從,美國已經趨於衰退與衰弱.

中國強勢崛起,令美國懼怕又驚又喜.

 


In my inaugural address, I committed to engage with the world once again, not to meet
yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.
Our world is at an inflection point. Global dynamics have shifted. New crises demand our
attention. And in this moment of accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to the
climate crisis to nuclear proliferation to the fourth industrial revolution — one thing is certain:
we will only succeed in advancing American interests and upholding our universal values
by working in common cause with our closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own
enduring sources of national strength.
That begins with the revitalization of our most fundamental advantage: our democracy. I
believe we are in the midst of an historic and fundamental debate about the future direction
of our world. There are those who argue that, given all the challenges we face, autocracy is the
best way forward. And there are those who understand that democracy is essential to meeting
all the challenges of our changing world.
I firmly believe that democracy holds the key to freedom, prosperity, peace, and dignity. We
must now demonstrate — with a clarity that dispels any doubt — that democracy can still
deliver for our people and for people around the world. We must prove that our model isn’t
a relic of history; it’s the single best way to realize the promise of our future. And, if we work
together with our democratic partners, with strength and confidence, we will meet every
challenge and outpace every challenger.
Achieving these goals rests on a core strategic proposition: The United States must renew its

 enduring advantages so that we can meet today’s challenges from a position of strength. We
will build back better our economic foundations; reclaim our place in international institutions;
lift up our values at home and speak out to defend them around the world; modernize our
military capabilities, while leading first with diplomacy; and revitalize America’s unmatched
network of alliances and partnerships.

 

And as we do this work, we must also demonstrate clearly to the American people that leading
the world isn’t an investment we make to feel good about ourselves. It’s how we ensure the
American people are able to live in peace, security, and prosperity. It’s in our undeniable
self-interest.
When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power and our ability to disrupt threats
before they can reach our shores. When we invest in the economic development of countries,
we create new markets for our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, and
mass migrations. When we strengthen health systems around the world, we reduce the risk of
future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy. When we defend equal rights
of all people — of women and girls, LGBTQI individuals, indigenous communities, people with
disabilities, and people of every ethnic background and religion — we help ensure that those
rights are protected for our own children here in America.
Today, I am issuing this interim guidance to convey my vision for how America will engage
with the world. I direct departments and agencies to align their actions with this guidance,
even as we begin work on a National Security Strategy. We have no time to waste. The simple
truth is, America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage. And under the
Biden-Harris Administration, America is back. Diplomacy is back. Alliances are back. But we
are not looking back. We are looking irrevocably toward the future and all that we can achieve for the American people — together.
Let’s get to work.
President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.

 

 

 

 

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