國民黨的馬蕭團隊在大選前夕喊出了「我們準備好了」的口號，讓台灣人民覺得滿受用的，相信很多人為此將票投給馬蕭二人組，馬蕭二先生也就順利的當選了。三天過去了，老榮民要問..馬總統 你準備好了嗎？ 因為老榮民看起來， 馬總統你還沒準備好。因為你在二十三日的國際記者會上的表現，實在是乏善可陳。昨天你面對記者的談話更是不妥，有記者問你何時去美國的問題，你竟然回答一句非常不得體的就是「就職以後還能去嗎？」 真是奇怪了，難道以中華民國總統的身份是不宜去美國的，馬總統最好是就職以後再去美國，因為台灣人民倒是十分想看看美國將如何的？以何種規格接待中華民國的新總統的。馬總統也得藉機會測試一下「中美關係」的泠熱。

    馬總統在五月二十日之前，最好是閉門謝客在家好好的韜光養晦，好好的保護自己，自己及家人都得作一番調適，總統豈可還在馬路上跑步，總統夫人豈可再搭公車上班，凡事不宜矯俗以干名。況且所該準備事的確還很多，就以內閣的名單而言，本來早在選前就應準備好的事，以閣揆而言馬總統應該早就成竹在胸的，在獲知當選後就可立即宣佈的，不宜任由全國民眾進行猜謎大賽的。

   老榮民建議有兩篇文章是馬總統在就職之前必須好好的再三研讀，將來必然會對馬總統有所助益的。特地在此奉上..

   第一篇是中國古文戰國策上的文章。

  鄒忌諷齊王納諫

  鄒忌修八尺有餘，而形貌昳麗，朝服衣冠窺鏡，謂其妻曰..「我孰與城北徐公美？」其妻曰..「君美甚，徐公何能及君也！」城北徐公，齊國之美麗者。忌不自信。而復問其妾曰..「吾孰與徐公美？」妾曰..「徐公何能及君也。」旦日客從外來，與坐談，問之，「吾與徐公孰美？」客曰..「徐公不若君之美也。」

  明日，徐公來，熟視之，自以為不如；窺鏡而自視，又弗如遠甚。暮寢而思之，曰..「吾妻之美我者，私我也；妾之美我者，畏我也；客之美我者，欲有求於我也。」

  於是入朝見威王曰..「臣誠知不如徐公美。臣之妻私臣，臣之妾畏臣，臣之客欲有求於臣，皆以美於徐公。今齊地方千里，百二十城。宮婦左右，莫不私王；朝庭之臣，莫不畏王！四境之內，莫不有求於王。由此觀之，王之蔽甚矣！」王曰..「善。」乃下令..「群臣吏民能面剌寡人之過者，受上賞；上書諫寡人者，受中賞；能謗譏於市朝，聞寡人之耳者，受下賞。」令初下，群臣進諫，門庭若市。數月之後，時時而問進。明年之後，雖欲言無可進者。燕、趙、韓、魏聞之，皆朝於齊，此所謂「戰勝於朝廷」。

    毫無疑問的馬總統今後，勢必會「妻、妾、客」等人包圍的，馬先生得突破重重包圍才能看得清事情的真相，才能作出正確的判斷。當然馬總統還得有鄒忌的智慧。

   第二篇是美國總統甘迺迪的就職演說。

                                                                        Inaugural Address

John F. Kennedy 
January 20, 1961
Washington, D.C.

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge—and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: To convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far out-paced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support: To prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective; to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak; and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Those who foolishly sought 
power by riding the back of 
the tiger ended up inside.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: That both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah to "undo the heavy burdens...(and) let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man; tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? [Crowd shouts approval]

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility; I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with many other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what American will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.

    馬總統是中國在二次戰結束及中國國共內戰結束後，所出生的新生代、是新台灣人，但是也是中國國民黨光榮傳統的繼承人，生於斯長於斯將來也將死於斯的人。

   馬總統當選証明台灣己進入了一個新的時代，証明台灣走過了族群衝突的時代，甚至走過了台灣獨立的時代，馬總統必須以新思維，面對新局面，施展新作法，創造新境界。